![]() |
Home
| Databases
| WorldLII
| Search
| Feedback
ALTA Law Research Series |
![]() |
Last Updated: 16 August 2010
THE LAW OF SUCCESSION TO THE CROWN IN NEW ZEALAND
[1999] WkoLawRw 3; (1999) 7 Waikato Law Review 49-72
BY NOEL COX, LLM (Auckland)
Barrister of the High
Court of New Zealand
Lecturer in Law, Auckland Institute of Technology.
I. INTRODUCTION
In recent years there has been some speculation regarding the possibility of changes to the laws governing succession to the Crown. The local news media has tended to regard this as a matter for the British authorities, or as one which can somehow be resolved by non-legal means.[1] But it is a debate which does raise important issues for New Zealand. The succession laws are not merely rules invented to amuse constitutional lawyers. They are rules which are in certain respects central to the constitution, and are important aspects of New Zealand independence.[2]
This article will explore three issues. Firstly, it will examine the existing New Zealand succession law. Secondly, it will discuss the ways and means by which this law can be changed. Thirdly, the article will discuss in what circumstances the succession ought to be changed.
II. THE NEW ZEALAND SUCCESSION LAW
The Constitution Act 1986 is the only piece of legislation enacted by the New Zealand Parliament which makes any direct reference to the succession law.[3] Section 5 of the Constitution Act 1986 deals with the demise of the Crown.[4] Section 5(1) states that:
[t]he death of the Sovereign shall have the effect of transferring all the powers, authorities, rights, privileges, and dignities belonging to the Crown to the Sovereign's successor, as determined in accordance with the Act of Settlement 1700 and any other law which relates to the succession to the Throne, but shall otherwise have no effect in law for any purpose.[5]
Section 5 (2) adds that every reference in any document or instrument to the Sovereign shall, unless the context otherwise requires, be deemed to include a reference to the Sovereign's heirs and successors.[6]
The Imperial Laws Application Act 1988 preserves the Act of Settlement 1700 (Eng)[7] as part of the laws of New Zealand. But what is the "other law which relates to the succession to the Throne"?[8] There are two possible sources of law, statute and common law.[9]
1. Statute law
Although the common law governing the succession to the Crown would appear to have remained common throughout the Queen's realms,[10] the statute law may not have remained so. A germane example of this may be seen in the modern legislation governing regencies.[11]
Since 1937 the absence, illness or incapacity of the Sovereign has been dealt with in the United Kingdom by the Regency Acts 1937 and 1943 (UK).[12] As a matter of construction of the law of England, United Kingdom Acts have not extended to New Zealand as part of New Zealand law after 1931, without an express declaration that New Zealand has requested and consented to the enactment.[13]
It is highly doubtful if the Regency Acts 1937 and 1943 originally extended to New Zealand, despite their subject matter and the failure of New Zealand to adopt the Statute of Westminster 1931 until 1947.[14] But to make the matter clearer, the Royal Powers Act 1983 section 5 negates the application (if any) in New Zealand of the Regency Acts. However, by the Constitution Act 1986 it is provided that:
[W]here, under the law for the time being in force in the United Kingdom, the royal functions are being performed in the name and on behalf of the Sovereign by a Regent, the powers of the Sovereign in right of New Zealand shall be exercised in the name and on behalf of the Sovereign by that Regent.[15]
If British statutes enacted after 1931 are ineffective to regulate mere regencies, the effectiveness of any British Act of Parliament to alter the succession to the Crown of New Zealand itself must be doubted.
Be that as it may, if the British regency Acts did not extend to New Zealand, what precisely is meant by to Sovereign's successor as determined "in accordance with the Act of Settlement 1700 and any other law which relates to the succession to the Throne"?[16] Can this include a Sovereign whose title depends solely upon a new, post-1931 (or 1947) Act of Parliament of the United Kingdom? What, if any, have been the consequences for the law of succession to the Crown which have occurred as a consequence of the development of the notion of a divisible Crown, and the evolution of dominion status?
Although the modern notion of a separate sovereignty would see the Crown as potentially divisible in actuality as well as in law, there has not been a division of the sovereignty of the Crown of England since Saxon times, although a separation could arguably have occurred in 1936.[17] Implementing suggested changes to the law in the United Kingdom would produce just such a division, were New Zealand- and every one of the other countries which recognise Elizabeth II as Sovereign, not to follow suit.
2. Common law
It is commonly said that the title to the Crown was governed at common law[18] by the feudal rules of hereditary descent formerly applicable to land.[19] They were however subject to the distinctions that the ancient doctrines relating to the exclusion of the half-blood from the inheritance had no application, and that, in the case of females, the title devolved upon the eldest daughter alone and her issue.[20]
In the legal history of those Western societies which have passed through the era known as feudalism, succession to property and succession to thrones are intimately connected. The analogy with land descent is, however, not strictly correct, it is submitted, since the only feature which the title to the Crown had in common with this was primogeniture, and this had been the developing rule in the pre-feudal Saxon dynasty.[21] And in the sixteenth century it was established that the Salic law,[22] which excluded female rulers and long thought fundamental to Western laws of succession, only applied to private law. This caused some dismay in France, though not in England, where the rule had never prevailed.[23]
The analogy with land presupposed that this developed before the title to the Crown had been settled. In fact the laws developed side by side in the two centuries after the Conquest. As society become more settled in the century after the Conquest, primogeniture came to be the usual form of inheritance. But the Crown did not pass without formal election until Edward II. For practical reasons primogeniture was the most convenient means of conveying the Crown.
By the accession of Richard II, however, influenced by this misleading analogy, the then developed rule of representative primogeniture was applied to the Crown.[24] But the true political nature of the Crown, and the continuing right of the magnates to regulate the succession to it, was re-asserted, not twenty years later, by the deposition of the king.
It is submitted that, although the law of succession at common law is based on that applicable to real property, it is distinct from it, and has only adopted those principles of descent appropriate to the Crown.[25] The succession law was never consciously adopted; it developed, adopting the developing real property law gradually, but always restrained by the political nature of the office.
The principal authority for the existence of the rules are to be found in the course of descent in the past. It is also seen in the fact that where the rules has been broken, or where any doubt as to the validity of the title has existed, it has usually been found necessary to fortify the title by statute.[26]
In the absence of statutory limitations, therefore, the Crown would descend lineally to the issue of the reigning Sovereign, males being preferred to females, and subject to the right of primogeniture amongst both males and females of equal degree, whilst children would represent their ancestors per stirpes in infinitum.[27] Upon failure of lineal descendants, the Crown would pass under the rule to the nearest collateral relation descended from the blood royal.[28]
Today, descent is by primogeniture, the heir succeeding immediately.[29] The principle of primogeniture has been abolished with respect to real property,[30] and remains only in respect of the Crown and dignities.[31]
III. POWER TO CHANGE DESCENT OF THE CROWN
The first formulation of the doctrine of the demise of the Crown dates from some time between 25 and 29 September 1399. This doctrine was held to invalidate the parliamentary writs that had been issued by the authority of the former king. The last Parliament of Edward II had became the first of Edward III, and the a new Parliament was afterwards called on the demise of the Crown without the issue of writs until 1867.[32] Thereafter there was to be no interregnum on the death of one king, and the succession of the next.
Succession was now direct and automatic. It followed that there was no room for parliamentary intervention. But the common law right of inheritance was always liable to be defeated by parliamentary grant, or by the election of the Witan or Commune Concilium.[33] This parliamentary intervention normally took place when the king's ability to rule (or in some cases his right to rule) was challenged.
The Crown now descends according to the statutory limitations, but retains its hereditary and descendible qualities as at common law, subject to the statutory provisions.[34] Title by descent, and title by choice of Parliament expressed two different views of kingship. This came to the fore under James II, and the solution settled the supremacy of the statutory title. The question as to whether the king could vacate the Throne by his misconduct, as James was held to have done, is not one which can be examined here. So far as the succession was concerned the immediate solution was a return to the ancient device of election by the magnates, or as it now was, by Parliament, ex post facto.
From this point forth we have two competing views of the title to the Crown: by inheritance, and by grant of Parliament. A king relying in fact on one would invoke the other to reinforce his title. For several centuries more there remained conflict between title by parliamentary choice, and title by inheritance. The old form of election gave way to parliamentary title, but several kings claimed hereditary title despite statutory bars, James I among them.[35]
Dunham and Wood have argued that two centuries of depositions led to the formulation of a new theory of parliamentary monarchy, based on the principle that any aberrant settlement of the succession had to be justified by the consent of the estates of the realm. They concluded that by 1485 it had "established and then reiterated principles that were, in the end, to form a constitutional doctrine legitimating a right to depose and a right to rule".[36] But the Crown was not yet at the disposal of Parliament.
The Tudor dynasty could appeal neither to the theory of hereditary right which had been the basis of the Yorkist claim nor the statute law on which a Lancastrian claim might have been maintained.[37] But Henry VII was at least de facto king.[38] There is no assertion of hereditary right in the Act for the Recognition of the title of Henry VII 1485.[39] It merely recognises a fact, it does not elect or create the king.[40] That the Parliament which passed the statute was summoned by a usurper did not matter since he was de facto king at least. Henry relied on possession.
As the son of Elizabeth of York, Henry VIII had the best hereditary claim of anyone. The new king obtained from Parliament a power to dispose of the Crown by will, and devised it, failing issue of Edward, Mary or Elizabeth, to the grandchildren of his younger sister. The reigns of Henry's three children all rely on statutory right. This is of necessity the case since the statute of 1536,[41] making Mary and Elizabeth illegitimate, was not repealed.[42] The first Act of Succession of Henry VIII 1534[43] made the king's marriage to Katherine of Spain void and annulled, and affirmed that to Anne Boleyn.[44]
An Act fixing the succession 1544 refers to the statute of 1536, and makes Jane's heirs the king's heirs, and enacted:
that the King should and might give, will, limit, assign, appoint or dispose the said imperial Crown and the other premises... by letters patent or last will in writing. [45]
This is the title on which Mary and Elizabeth relied. The king bequeathed the Throne to the Suffolk line, descendants of his younger sister Mary, by Will in 1546.
The succession of Mary was unprecedented.[46] To a sixteenth century mind this was a guarantee of a disputed succession, a civil war or at least domination by a foreign power by marriage. Henry VIII may indeed have briefly considered in 1525 recognising as his heir his six year old son by Mary Blount. The boy, who died in 1536 at the age of seventeen, was made Duke of Richmond, and Lord High Admiral.[47]
In 1533 Mary was declared illegitimate by Act of Parliament,[48] but was reinstated in 1544, after Prince Edward.[49] Philip, son of Charles V claimed the style king in 1553, but this was granted with strict limitations and was to not last beyond the duration of his marriage to Queen Mary.[50] In the conditions of the day, it was impossible that a husband, foreign or English, would not attempt to exercise real authority.[51]
Elizabeth claimed the Crown under the third Act of succession of Henry VIII.[52] The question of the succession dominated much of Elizabeth's reign, colouring, if not dictating, her attitude towards marriage, foreign relations and the religious settlement.[53]
When Elizabeth died, she was succeeded by James I, the descendant of the elder daughter of Henry VII- and not by a representative of the younger daughter as the statute of 1544 required. Until Elizabeth's death it was unclear who should succeed her, and by what right.[54]
There was, in fact, general agreement only that the rule of primogeniture applied to the Crown.[55] The Treasons Act 1571[56] asserted that Parliament possessed the right to settle the Crown,[57] and rendered it treason to deny this right.[58] The Act was designed to forestall claims by Mary Queen of Scots to the Crown.[59]
James also had to step wearily lest he himself contravene the Act of Association 1584.[60] This provided that anyone involved in attempts on the Queen's life would be disbarred from succeeding. James relied solely on inheritance,[61] as had Lady Jane Gray when she was forced to claim the Crown on the death of Edward VI.[62] Edward's attempt to devise the Crown by letters patent had no legal effect; he had purported to exclude all females and Catholics, and devise the Crown to the heirs male of Jane.[63]
Although James I was not seriously opposed as successor,[64] it was necessary to reinforce his title by statute, since it contravened an earlier Act.[65] The Act of Recognition of the King's title 1603-4[66] was an attempt to explain the contravention of the Succession to the Crown Act 1543-4,[67] an assertion of the hereditary title as stronger than the statutory one.[68]
In two of the three Parliaments from 1679-81, bills intended to exclude James Duke of York from the succession were introduced and debated in the House of Commons.[69] The bill of May 1679 was worded so as to include Scotland and Ireland, in case their respective Parliaments neglected to enact similar measures. In 1680 a similar measure was introduced, received three readings in the Commons, but was defeated in the House of Lords.[70]
The Exclusion Crisis lasted from November 1679 till March 1682.[71] Ironically, a doctrine condemned as papist in the sixteenth century was now adopted by Protestants.[72] It was supposed that a Catholic monarch would not respect the law, and so could not be effectively bound to preserve the Protestant Church of England. Attempts were made to exclude the Duke of York and "all other popish successors", and it was proposed "that no King shall marry a popish Queen".[73]
Anti-Exclusionists argued for a heritable Crown, but saw in it features of a life tenancy that made it impossible for the king to affect the disposition of the estate after his death.[74] The Exclusionists argued that there was no law of succession (or at best there was an hereditary expectation to succeed), and that the king and Parliament were empowered to make one (or that the hereditary expectation to succeed was rebuttable by Parliament for cause). While denying that there was a fundamental law of succession, they maintained that there was a fundamental right of self-defence against a king who was opposed to the liberty of the Protestant Church.[75] They would have acknowledged their debt to Hobbes but that he stood for secular absolutism. A elective monarchy would have led to an arbitrary and uncertain succession.[76] Sir Algernon Sidney was less concerned in who should succeed as who should decide.[77]
The Jesuit Robert Parsons stated in 1594 that:
no man is King or Prince by instrument of nature, but every King and kings sonne hath his dignity and preheminence above other men, by authority only of the common wealth.[78]
What was a heresy in late Tudor times came to be orthodoxy in the next century. In the 1590s Peter Wentworth proposed that Parliament, as the High Court of Parliament, be charged to sort through the potential complex of hereditary claims, to choose whoever had the best right, not to elect the heir.[79] The opportunity to formulate a rule for future successions was lost.
The right of Parliament to vary and limit the descent of the Crown, in cases of misgovernment amounting to a breach of the original contract between the Crown and the people, cannot be said to be admitted as a definite constitutional principle.[80] But due weight must be attributed to the fact that the tenure of the Crown since 1688 has depended upon the action taken by the Lords and Commons convened in an irregular manner.[81]
On the flight of James II in 1688, all those who had served as members of the
Parliaments of Charles II, together with the Court of
Aldermen and members of
the Common Council of the City of assembled on 26 December 1688, at the desire
of the Prince of Orange. They
requested the Prince to take over the civil and
military administration and the disposal of the public revenue, and likewise to
summon
a Convention Parliament.
.
A Convention Parliament was accordingly
summoned by the Prince of Orange by letters directed to the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal,
being Protestants, and to the coroners, clerks of the peace, and
others. This Convention Parliament met on 22 January 1688 (old style).
On 28
January the Commons so convened recorded that:
King James II having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of the kingdom by breaking the original contract between the King and people and by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons having violated the fundamental laws; and having withdrawn himself out of this kingdom; has abdicated the government; and that the Throne is thereby vacant.[82]
On 12 February a declaration was drawn up and agreed by the Lords and Commons affirming the rights and liberties of the people, and settling the Crown and regal government of England, France and Ireland upon William and Mary of Orange, during their joint lives and the life of the survivor. The further limitations were: (1) to the heirs of the body of Mary; (2) to the Princess Anne of Denmark and the heirs of her body; (3) to the heirs of the body of William, Prince of Orange.
This declaration was offered on the following day to William and Mary, who accepted its terms, and the declaration was then published to the nation in the form of a proclamation.[83] The declaration was subsequently enacted with certain additions in the form of the Bill of Rights 1688 (Eng),[84] and the Acts of the Convention Parliament were subsequently ratified and confirmed by the Crown and Parliament Recognition Act 1689 (Eng),[85] which also acknowledged the king and queen.
Since William and Mary were monarchs de facto at the time Parliament was summoned, it was validly summoned (whereas the Convention Parliament was not), and the confirmatory Act was legally effective to do what it purported to do, validate the royal title and the Acts of the Convention Parliament.[86]
The Bill of Rights, being thus confirmed by a Parliament summoned in the constitutional manner, acquired the force of a legal statute, and appears upon the statute books as such.
The present succession is affected largely by the Revolutionary Settlement still.[87] As from the dates of the Unions of England with Scotland and Ireland, the succession of the imperial Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain, and of Great Britain and Northern Ireland respectively, is to be as it then stood limited and settled under the Act of Settlement.[88] This succession is vested in the heirs of the body of the Princess Sophia[89] who are Protestants.[90]
The settling of the succession on the heirs of the Electress Sophia was an extension of this elective approach, but the succession thereafter proceeded by inheritance. The Succession to the Crown Act 1707[91] itself expressly affirmed the power of Crown and Parliament to limit and bind the succession.
After the triumph of hereditary title over election, the possibility of intervention by the successors of the Witan remained. The modern position is that the statutory provisions settle the Crown in the present line of succession, and provides certain statutory conditions on tenure.[92]
The descent of the Crown in the present Protestant line is secured by the Act which regulates the succession, the Act of Settlement 1700.[93]
William Henry Duke of Gloucester, son of Anne, died in 1700 at the age of eleven. The Act of Settlement[94] was introduced to meet the situation, although other restrictions were tacked on also.[95] Consent was required for the king to engage in war or to leave the country. Privy counsellors were to sign any advice which they gave. No foreigners were allowed to hold office under the Crown, or occupy a seat in Parliament.[96] No person holding office of profit or a pension were to be a Member of Parliament. To limit the Crown's freedom to appoint ministers of their choice no pardons were to be available on impeachment.[97]
Anyone who adheres to the Roman Catholic Church, or who marries such a person, cannot inherit the Crown, nor can they remain Sovereign if they are disqualified after succeeding to the Crown.[98] In such a case the people are absolved of their allegiance, and the Crown is to descend to such person or persons, being Protestants, as would have inherited it in case the person so reconciled were dead.[99] As a consequence of the wording used in the Act of Settlement 1700,[100] there is no requirement that someone whose spouse joins the Roman Catholic Church after marriage looses their right to the Crown.[101] It would appear that the operation of the Act is irreversible, although to be effective the marriage must be a legal one.[102]
Since the time of the Act of Settlement there has been but one statutory alteration of the succession law. King George VI was a case of succession upon abdication, although he was the heir apparent[103]. His Majesty's Declaration of Abdication Act 1936[104] was passed in accordance with the procedures of the Statute of Westminster 1931,[105] and so was applicable in New Zealand. Since then however, there have been no statutory alterations to the law of succession in either New Zealand or the United Kingdom, nor is the procedure in the Statute of Westminster 1931 and the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1947 (NZ) likely to be used again, even solely for the purpose of altering the law of succession.
However, the development of a distinct New Zealand Crown means that the succession law in New Zealand must be seen to be separate from that in the United Kingdom, though they presently have identical provisions. Whether they remain identical is a matter yet to be decided.
IV. CIRCUMSTANCES IN WHICH THE SOVEREIGN OUGHT TO BE CHANGED
At common law the accession of the Sovereign may be automatic, so that there is no interregnum, though the accession does involve a number of legal procedures.[106] On the death of the reigning Sovereign the Crown vests immediately in the person who is entitled to succeed, it being a maxim of the common law that the king never dies.[107] The new Sovereign is therefore entitled to exercise full prerogative rights without further ceremony.[108]
The fact of the new Sovereign's accession is published by a proclamation which is issued as soon as conveniently may be after the death of the former Sovereign. It is made in the name of the lords spiritual and temporal, members of the late Sovereign's Privy Council and the principal gentlemen of quality, with the Lord Mayor, aldermen and citizens of London.[109]
Any alteration in the succession laws has therefore to take place during the reign of a Sovereign whose own title will not be affected. It is clear that, since the advent of separate Crowns, the right to alter and amend the laws of succession of the New Zealand Crown belongs to the Parliament of New Zealand. But, it is also clear that any such alteration would have to take into account the trans-national nature of the Crown.
There are two possible scenarios for such a change. The first is changing attitudes to succession in general, the other is the position of the Prince of Wales. In respect of the first, primogeniture has been abolished with respect to private property.[110] The presumption that a son should succeed in preference to daughter is at odds with modern attitudes, and in conflict with the Human Rights Act 1993.[111] Were a succession law to be drawn up today, it is likely that it would provide for the succession of the eldest child of the Sovereign, irrespective of sex.[112] Although some of the statutes of Henry VIII approached this, there has never been a statement of a generally applicable law of succession, expect in the limitations of the Revolutionary Settlement. Whether the time has come for such a restatement, perhaps accompanied by significant change, is by no means proven.
One possible ground for alteration in the law of succession relates to the Prince of Wales. The present position is that whoever he marries would become Queen when he succeeded to the throne. Were he to marry Camilla Parker-Bowles, there would doubtless be calls for him to renounce his right to succeed in favour of his eldest son. Such a renunciation would not, of course, be effective unless accompanied by legislation in each of the countries acknowledging the Queen as Sovereign.
Changing the succession law in such a way would be likely to follow the example of 1936, with Parliament(s) implementing a decision already taken by the royal family. This is in accordance with the tradition of Parliament reinforcing doubtful claims. Excepting 1688-89, Parliament itself has never taken the initiative. To do so now might be to raise questions about the proper balance of the constitution, questions which Parliament might prefer unasked.[113]
On 27 February 1998, in London, Lord Wilson of Mostyn, QC, Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for the Home Office, announced that the British Government supported changing the law of succession to the Crown, in favour of the succession of the eldest child irrespective of sex. This came in a debate on a private members' Bill sponsored by Jeffrey Lord Archer, intended to allow provide for the succession of the eldest child of the Sovereign regardless of sex.[114]
While he acknowledged that any change would have to receive the support of all countries of which The Queen is Sovereign, it is inappropriate that Lord Wilson, who had special responsibility for revision of the British Constitution, should propose such a fundamental change for purely party political reasons. While his colleagues in the Scottish and Welsh Offices were busy dismembering the United Kingdom, in the name of devolution, doubtless he felt that he had to make his own mark on the constitution.
The British Government should not let its own desire for change be the reason for such a fundamental move. The Crown has evolved gradually, and there has been quite enough disruption already in the last decade. Any proposal for change is risky, and there is no evidence of a need or desire for any change in the succession law.
The present rules are a compromise, the result of centuries of evolution. It is half-way between the extremes of the strict rule of primogeniture of the so-called Salic law, and the modernist eldest child rule, as adopted recently in Norway and the Netherlands.
Any move to change the law would be seen as defensive, an attempt to counter criticism. Yet criticism has never focused upon the fundamental nature of the Crown. Any change would be controversial. No good grounds for change have been advanced, aside from claims of sexual inequality.
Any change in the law of succession would have to be enacted in each of Her Majesty's realms, requiring detailed consultation to avoid the possibility of error. Such a proposal should be discussed in private first, not announced by the British Government almost as a fait accompli. The succession law in New Zealand is that of the United Kingdom prior to 1931, subject to potential statutory alteration by the New Zealand Parliament.
In the past Parliament has legislated for the succession for reasons of expediency. With the exception of the settlement and exclusion provisions of the Act of Settlement, the succession remains strictly hereditary. Although the continued exclusion of Catholics, as the basis of the three-hundred-year-old Revolutionary Settlement, may be unjustified in the New Zealand environment, any change in this country would be dependent upon events in the United Kingdom. So long as the king or Queen of the United Kingdom remains Head of the Established Church of England, no change is likely. Were New Zealand to unilaterally amend the Act of Settlement, it is unlikely that any division of the Crown would occur, but it would emphasise the separateness of the Crown.
The problem with altering the Act of Settlement is that the Act was a deliberate and conscious rebalancing of the constitution, one which also brought us the sovereignty of Parliament. Tampering with one aspect might encourage calls for the other to be reconsidered also. Indeed, in light of claims that the Treaty of Waitangi or the 1835 Declaration of Independence guaranteed Maori sovereignty, or rangatiratanga, such calls could not be ignored.
[1]Though this is
more a reflection of the absence of in-depth reporting which does not rely on
overseas agencies for news
stories.
[2]Both
jurisdictionally and
politically.
[3]Occasional
references to the Sovereign and their successors are, at best, indirect
references which give no guidance as to the actual
law.
[4]The demise of
the Crown meaning the transmission of the Crown from one individual to another,
usually, though not implicitly, by
death.
[5]The one
paragraph uses the terms "Sovereign", "Throne" and "Crown". Although not
synonyms, they are commonly used as
equivalents.
[6]The
effect of the Demise of the Crown Act 1908 was similar. It was designed to
maintain imperial consistency. It excluded the operation
of the rule in relation
to property held by the Sovereign in a private capacity. Its provisions however
were unnecessarily elaborate
for a general principle. But the Constitution Act
1986 goes further. If death has no effect in law then the Sovereign in a private
as well as a public capacity is immortal in
New Zealand.
[7]12 & 13 Will
III c 2.
[8]s 5 (1)
of the Constitution Act
1986.
[9]The laws of
succession are unlikely to be based on the royal prerogative, or convention,
since they are clearly more than mere rules
of conduct, however binding, and
most probably justiciable. They are also not merely ancillary or residual
rights. The royal prerogative
is of course a branch of the common law, because
it is the decisions of the courts which determine its existence and extent
(case of proclamations [1610] EWHC J22; (1611) 12 Co Rep 74; 77 ER 1352
(KB)).
[10]Although
there has been no litigation on this question, it is submitted that there are no
circumstances which might create a divergence
in the common law of succession.
This is particularly so given the importance of the
succession.
[11]Pre-1840
regencies were generally governed by ad hoc arrangements, although for much of
the early eighteen century Lords Justices
were required from time to time due to
the Sovereign's absence in
Hanover.
[12]1 Edw
VIII & 1 Geo VI c 16, and 6 & 7 Geo VI c
42.
[13]Or in the
absence of clear words or necessary implication (Copyright Owners
Reproduction Society v EMI (Australia) Pty Ltd [1958] HCA 54; (1958) 100 CLR 597). A better
view is that the Statute of 1931 (22 & 23 Geo V c 4) imposes only a
procedural bar, at least so far as the law of England
is
concerned.
[14]Justice,
Department of, Constitutional Reform- Reports of an Officials Committee
(1986)
28.
[15]Constitution
Act 1986, s 4
(1).
[16]The
consequences of the Act extend beyond the Crown. The prohibition on those "born
out of the kingdoms of England Scotland or Ireland
or the dominions thereunto
belonging shall be capable to be of the privy council or a member of either
House of Parliament or to
enjoy any office or place of trust either civil or
military" was the subject of some consideration in the Report of the Justice
and Law Reform Committee on the Imperial Laws Application Bill (1988)
Explanatory Material, 58. The authors of the Report believed that membership of
the Privy Council was best left uncertain,
and that the other matters were not
relevant. Yet the practice has been for subjects of Her Majesty overseas to be
appointed to British
offices as if this were proper. The only solution is that
the expression "the dominions thereto belonging" must be interpreted in
light of
the Statute of Westminster 1931 (22 & 23 Geo V c 4) and be assumed to have
been impliedly amended accordingly.
[17]Due to the
effect of His Majesty King Edward VIII's Declaration of Abdication Act 1937
(SA).
[18]Lawson,
FH & Davies, HJ, Halsbury's Laws of England (4th ed, 1974) vol 8 para
845.
[19]This is
the substance of the rule as deduced by Sir William Blackstone (see
Commentaries on the Laws of England (ed E Christian, 1978) 192, 193). The
principal authority for the existence of the rule is to be found in the course
of descent in
the past, and in the fact that where the rule has been broken, or
where any doubt as to the validity of the title has existed, it
has usually been
found necessary to fortify the title by statute. See 7 Hen IV c 2 (Succession to
the Crown) (1405-6); 1 Mar sess
2 c 1 (Legitimacy of the Queen) (1553); 1 Eliz I
c 3 (Recognition of the Queen's Title to the Crown) (1558-9); 1 Jac I c 1
(Recognition
of the King's Title to the Crown) (1603-4) (all repealed); and the
Succession to the Crown Act 1707 (6 Ann c 41).
[20]Unlike real
property inheritance, for example, it is generally accepted that in the case of
female heiresses, the title devolved upon
the elder daughter of the king alone,
and her issue, and was not subject to coparcenary. This is stated by Blackstone
to be of necessity
(he gave no other authority). In the case of land, the title
devolved upon all the daughters equally as coparceners (Coke, Sir Edward,
Coke upon Littleton ("First Institutes") (1979) 135a; Blackstone,
supra note 20, at 194. See O'Farran, "The Law of the Accession" (1953) 16 Mod LR
140. Queen Elizabeth
II succeeded in accordance with Blackstone's rule. Henry
VIII provided for the succession of his daughters by statute, but it was
therein
said that the Crown should pass to females "according to their ages, as the
Crown of England has been accustomed, and ought
to go in cases where there be
heirs female to the same" (25 Hen VIII c 22).
[21]See Truax,
Jean Ann, "The making of the King 1135: Gender, family and custom in the
Anglo-Norman succession crisis" (1995) unpublished
University of Houston PhD
thesis; Le Patourel, "The Norman Succession 996-1135" (1971) 86 English
Historical Review 225-250; Leyser, "The Anglo-Saxon Succession 1120-1125" (1990)
13 Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies
225-241.
[22]Salic
or Salique Law, an ancient law of Pharamond, King of the
Franks.
[23]In the
East, there was an elaborate succession law, but little or nothing on the Crown.
This was most irreconcilable, or perhaps most
explicable, in Muslim countries,
because of the minute fractional division of estates. Natural selection, the
triumph of the strong
over the weak, prevailed as a means of settling the
succession within the ruling family (Maine, Sir Henry Sumner, Early Law and
Custom (1890)
125-144).
[24]Taswell-Langmead,
Thomas, English Constitutional History (9 ed AL Poole, 1929)
169.
[25]Henry
Constable stated, incorrectly, that the succession was by the "ordinary course
of inheritance in fee simple by lineal descent
in blood" (Discovery of A
Counterfecte Conference (1600) 44). Logically, the Crown was an estate in
fee, because at common law only an estate in fee was heritable. But inherited
land
was freely alienable; the Crown never was, though the attempt by Edward VI
to devise the Crown may be taken to have implied
this.
[26]Halsbury's
Laws of England, supra note 19, vol
1.
[27]Blackstone,
supra note 20, at
194.
[28]There can
be no doubt that the ancient doctrine with regard to land, relating to the
exclusion of the half-blood from the inheritance,
never had any application to
the descent of the Crown, and that collaterals were always admitted provided
they could trace their
descent from the first monarch purchaser (Blackstone,
supra note 20, at 202; Willion v Berkeley (1561) 1 Plowd 223, 245; 75 ER
339). It is said also that the maxim possessio fratris haeredem facit sorerem
(possession of an estate by a brother such as would entitle his sister [of
the whole blood] to succeed him as heir [to the exclusion
of a half-brother])
does not apply to the descent of the Crown, and that, therefore, in the absence
of lineal issue, the brother
of the half-blood may succeed to the sister of the
whole blood (see Coke, supra note 21, at
15b).
[29]As is
reflected in the wording of the Accession Council, that lineal descendant of the
Anglo-Saxon Witan (see the Appendix, Accession Proclamation
1952).
[30]Administration
of Estates Act 1925 (15 & 16 Geo V c 25) (UK); Administration Amendment Act
1944 (NZ).
[31]A
peerage is an incorporeal and impartible hereditament, inalienable and
descendable according to the words of limitation in the grant,
if any
(Nevil's Case [1572] EngR 259; (1604) 7 Co Rep 33a; 77 ER 460; R v Purbeck (Viscount)
(1678) Show Parl Cas 1, 5; [1677] EngR 22; 1 ER 1; Norfolk Earldom Case [1907] AC
10; Rhondda's (Viscountess) Claim [1922] 2 AC 339). If the peerage is a
barony by writ, there will, of course, be no words of limitation. In English
law, letters patent purporting to
create a peerage without including words of
limitation will be held to be bad. A peerage is descendable as an estate in fee
tail
(Ferrers' (Earl) Case (1760) 2 Eden 373; 28 ER 942).
[32]Lapsley, "The
Parliamentary Title of Henry IV" in Barraclough, Geoffrey & Cam, Helen
(eds) Crown Community and Parliament in the Later Middle Ages (1951)
273-336, reprinted from (1934) 94 English Historical Review 423-49,
336.
[33]Halsbury's
Laws of England, supra note 19, vol 8 para
846.
[34]These are
contained in the Act of Settlement 1700 (12 & 13 Will III c 2) (Eng), and
His Majesty's Declaration of Abdication Act
1936 (1 Edw VIII & 1 Geo VI c 3
(UK); now repealed in New Zealand by the Imperial Laws Application Act 1988. The
Legitimacy Act
1959 (7 & 8 Eliz II c 73) (UK) does not affect the succession
to the Throne (s 6 (4)). While the Status of Children Act 1969
does not
expressly exclude the Crown, since it is not expressed as binding the Crown,
this interpretation may freely be arrived
at.
[35]Indeed, the
succession of James in such circumstances appeared to suggest that hereditary
right was indeed indefeasible. He was also
an alien, and thereby debarred by
common law from possessing land in the kingdom (Nenner, Howard, The Right to
be King- The Succession to the Crown of England, 1603-1714 (1995)
3).
[36]Dunham and
Wood, "Right to Rule in England: Deposition and the Kingdom's Authority,
1327-1485" (1976) 81 American Historical Review
738-61.
[37]It was
not clear by what right Henry VII was king, but their could be no denying that
he was king. Heredity, election, nomination,
conquest and prescription could
each have been pleaded, but reliance on too many grounds showed the weakness of
the
title.
[38]Under an
Act to regulate the Succession 1405-6 (7 Hen IV c 2) (Eng), Henry VII's line
were legitimate, but excluded from the succession.
However, it is unclear
whether this conditional legitimation was effective. Though there are a number
of instances which suggest
that illegitimacy was not a bar to succession to the
Saxon Throne, since the Conquest all monarchs had been legitimate. Henry VII
did
not claim the Throne by inheritance, neither did Elizabeth (though hers was a
legitimate birth subsequently
invalidated).
[39]Act
for the Recognition of the title of Henry VII 1485 (1 Hen VII c 1) (Eng),
printed at the beginning of the Statutes of Henry VII
in Statutes of the
Realm (1816) II, 499. [extract only]: "for comfort of realm, and to avoid
all ambiguities and questions... ordained, established and enacted
that by the
authority of this present parliament, that the inheritances of England and
France, with all the permanence and royal
dignity to the same pertaining...
rest, remain and abide in the most royal person of our now sovereign lord King
Henry VII and in
the heirs of his body lawfully coming, perpetually with the
grace of God so to endure in none other." This does not rely on hereditary
title- it recognises a political fact or fait
accompli.
[40]Keir,
Sir David Lindsay, The Constitutional History of Modern Britain since
1485 (8h ed 1966)
8.
[41]28 Hen VIII
c 7 (Eng).
[42]Mary
was legitimated by statute (1 Mar St 2 c 1) (Eng), and also relied on a statute
to confirm her title to the Throne (1 Mar St
3 c 1) (Eng). Elizabeth remained
illegitimate in canon law, and therefore in the eyes of her Catholic subjects,
as well as under
28 Hen VIII c 7 (Eng) (although her title to the Throne was
also confirmed, by 1 Eliz c 3 (Eng)). Henry may have wanted to protect
the
rights to succession of any future female children born after Mary and
Elizabeth. He did however allow them the right to succeed
under the statutory
entail of 35 Hen VIII c 1
(Eng).
[43]25 Hen
VIII c 22
(Eng).
[44]The
First Act of Succession of Henry VIII 1534 (25 Hen VIII c 22) (Eng) [extracts
only]: VI.. issue of Anne shall be your lawful children,
and be inheritable, and
inherit, according to the course of inheritance and laws of this realm, the
imperial Crown of the same, with
all dignities, honours, pre-eminences,
prerogatives, authorities, and jurisdictions to the same annexed or belonging,
in as large
and ample manner as your highness at this present time has the same
as King of this realm; the inheritance thereof to be and remain
to your said
children and right heirs in manner and form as hereafter shall be declared, that
is to say... heirs of Anne's son, then
subsequent wives' sons... then the issue
female by Anne... then to the second issue female (and so on)... according to
their ages,
as the Crown of England has been accustomed, and ought to go, in
cases where there be heirs female to the same; and for default of
such issue,
then the said imperial Crown, and all the other premises, shall be in the right
heirs of your highness for
ever."
[45]35 Hen
VIII c 1 (Succession to the Crown Act 1543-4)
(Eng).
[46]The
disastrous reign of Matilda, the only earlier instance of a female Sovereign,
tended to reinforce the idea that while a man could
inherit the Throne through a
woman, a woman was not fit to reign herself. Whilst men looked back at the reign
of Elizabeth with some
satisfaction, they were by no means conducive to the idea
of a female Sovereign as a regular occurrence. Because of Eve's perfidy
in
seducing Adam with the forbidden fruit, women were forever to be subject to the
dominion of men (Knox, John, First Blast of the Trumpet in Laing, David
(ed), The Works of John Knox (Edinburgh, 1846-64) vol IV,
377-8.
[47]Patent
Roll, 17 Hen VIII pt 1 m
42.
[48]Succession
to the Crown Act 1533 (2 Hen VIII c 22) (Eng), repealed by the Succession to the
Crown: Marriage Act 1536 (28 Hen VIII
c 7) (Eng) s 1 and the Legitimacy of the
Queen Act 1553 (1 Mar sess 2 c 1) (Eng) s 2 [repealed by Statute Law Reform Act
1948].
[49]Succession
to the Crown Act 1543 (35 Hen VIII c 1)
(Eng).
[50]The
Queen Regents Prerogative Act 1554 (1 Mar sess 3 c 1) (Eng), repealed by the
Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1969, and Queen Mary's
Marriage Act 1554 (1 Mar sess 3
c 2) (Eng), repealed by the Statute Law Reform Act
1863.
[51]Cannon,
John, & Griffiths, Ralph, The Oxford Illustrated History of the British
Monarchy (1988)
341.
[52]Succession
to the Crown Act 1543-4 (35 Hen VIII c 1)
(Eng).
[53]Cannon
and Griffiths, supra note 52, at
334-335.
[54]Burghley
actually proposed a legislated interregnum upon the death of Elizabeth I, and
for Parliament to decide who had the best right
to succeed (Collinson,
"Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I" (1987) 69 Bulletin of the John
Rylands University Library of Manchester
394-424).
[55]Craig,
Sir Thomas, The Right of Succession to the Kingdom of England (1703,
first published 1602) 11; Doleman, R (pseudonym for Fr Robert Parsons),
Conference About the Next Succession (1594) 129; Harington, Sir John,
A Tract on the Succession to the Crown (AD 1602) ed Clements R Markham
(1880).
[56]13 Eliz
I c 1
(Eng).
[57]"[T]o
limit and bind the Crown of this realm and the descent, limitation, inheritance,
and government thereof". An assertion to this
effect was made, perhaps
prematurely, by Sir Thomas Smith (De Republica Anglorum; A Discourse on the
Commonwealth of England ed L Alston (1970, first published 1583) 49). Even
earlier, in 1535, Thomas More had told Richard Rich that an Act of Parliament
was competent to make Rich, or any other man, king. (Nenner, supra note 36, at
251).
[58]Earlier
legislation had provided for the settlement of an uncertain title, as 7 Henry IV
c 2 (Eng), and 35 Hen VIII c 1 (Eng) allowed
the king to dispose of the Crown,
but the Treason Act 1571 (13 Eliz I c 1 (Eng)) was a much more general statement
of legislative
authority.
[59]Levine,
Mortimer, Tudor Dynastic Problems, 1460-1571 (1973) 119-20;
Hurstfield, "The Succession Struggle in Late Elizabethan England" in Bindoff, SJ
et al (eds), Elizabethan Government and Society (1961)
107.
[60]Act for
the Safety of the Queen etc (27 Eliz I c 1) (Eng), repealed by the Statute Law
Revision Act 1863 (26 & 27 Vict c 125)
(UK).
[61]He was
regarded as the next heir since the death of his mother, Mary Queen of Scots.
The claimant under Henry VIII's Will (authorised
by 35 Hen VIII c 1 (Eng)),
Catherine, representative of this line, had died in 1568, and her sons were of
questionable legitimacy.
The descendants of Eleanor, cadet branch of the Suffolk
line, remained however (Levine, Mortimer, Early Elizabethan Succession
Question, 1558-1568 (1966) 1, 10-11). If the prohibition of the Scottish
line was upheld, then the heir was Lady Catherine Grey, younger sister of Lady
Jane Grey and granddaughter of Mary, younger sister of Henry VIII. If the claims
of the Scottish line were allowed the next heir
was Mary Queen of
Scots.
[62]Since
Mary and Elizabeth were illegitimate, by inheritance alone Jane did have a prior
claim. The pope might, in any case, grant a
dispensation from the canon law
which would allow inheritance in accordance with Church law. This would of
course present a problem
if Church and national laws were to
conflict.
[63]Efforts
were made to ensure her succession under an interlineation. The actual attempt
to convey the Crown by act of nomination was
thought to be even less
satisfactory than a claim by conquest. Only God could make an heir, and nearness
of blood was not a matter
of choice but of divine intervention. It was only with
the Statute of Wills 1540 (32 Hen VIII c 1) (Eng) that the right to freely
dispose of property was accorded ordinary people; it is hardly surprising that
there should be even stronger opposition to giving
a similar freedom to kings.
Conquest might have been acceptable to give a foreign prince a good title to the
Crown, but a subject
would be a usurper (Walpole, "Historic Doubts on the Life
and Reign of Richard III" in Kendall, Paul (ed), Richard III: The Great
Debate (1965)
198).
[64]James was
proclaimed king "by law, lineal succession, and undoubted right" (Larkin, James
& Hughes, Paul (eds), Stuart Royal Proclamations (1973) vol I, iv,
2-3).
[65]A point
not lost on his contemporaries (Harbin, Hereditary Right to the Crown of
England Asserted (1713)
208-9).
[66]Act of
Recognition of the King's title 1603-4 (1 Jac I c 1) (Eng) [extract only]: "We
do recognise and acknowledge that immediately
upon the dissolution and decease
of Elizabeth, late Queen of England, the imperial Crown of the realm of
England... did, by inheritance
birthright and lawful and undoubted succession,
descend and come to your most excellent majesty, as being lineally, justly and
lawfully
next and sole heir of the blood royal of this realm as is
aforesaid."
[67]35
Hen VIII c 1
(Eng).
[68]Sir
Thomas Craig, a Scots legal scholar, exhaustively laid the ground for James's
hereditary claim in The Right of Succession to the Kingdom of England
(1703, first published 1602). He was, in any case, practically the only
reasonable
choice.
[69]Nenner,
supra note 36, at
10.
[70]Cannon and
Griffiths, supra note 52, at
414.
[71]Locke
himself was involved, see Ashcraft, "The Two Treatises and the Exclusion Crisis"
in Pocock, JGA and Ashcraft, R (eds), John Locke (1980). Sir Algernon
Sidney was involved in the Rye House Plot in 1683 to assassinate both royal
brothers. It is not clear however
to what extent this indicated a desire on his
part to revive the Commonwealth. He was however executed for his
trouble.
[72]An
critics were not slow to identify Exclusion with the teachings of the sixteenth
century Jesuit Robert
Parsons.
[73]Cobbett,
William (ed), The parliamentary History of England (1806-20) vol IV,
1132, 1196, 1250, 1332.
[74]The
traditional view of the Crown as a property of the king to be transmitted to his
posterity by right of descent was being eroded,
but was still the majority
view.
[75]W.G.,
Case of Succession to the Crown of England Stated (1679) 14. Sovereignty
became an issue because in countering the assertions of a fundamental law of
succession the Exclusionists
were pressed to contend for the even more basic
right of
self-protection.
[76]Comber,
Revd Thomas, Religion and Loyalty Supporting each other (1681) 11,
34.
[77]Scott,
Jonathon, Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677-1683 (1991)
53. Sidney argued in Discourses concerning Government that unless the
succession could be grounded in the consent of Parliament, there was no hope of
political stability. By this standard
any other rule of succession, hereditary
right included, would be effectively futile. Sidney maintained that there could
be no stability
in a political system dependent on the random abilities of an
hereditary prince (Discourses concerning Government ed Thomas West
(1990) chap 2 sect 11 pp 136-7).
[78]Specifically,
he argued that the presumption of the hereditary right of the next in blood
could be rebutted in some circumstances.
Title is determined by Parliament.
Parliament is, in the first instance, guided by common law rules of hereditary
succession, as
modified by historical experience. Upon consideration of the
personal qualities and circumstances of those in the line of succession,
it may
qualify the succession further. According to his reading of the precedents,
there was in fact a form of election each time
a Sovereign succeeded. This, in
fact, amounted to an interregnum (Doleman, R (pseudonym for Fr Robert Parsons),
Conference About the Next Succession (1594) 142, 198-9).
[79]Wentworth,
Peter, A Pithie Exhortation to Her Majestie for Establishing Her Successor to
the Crowne. Whereunto is Added a Discourse Containing the Authors
Opinion of the
True and Lawfull Successor to her Majestie (1598) 5, 48,
51.
[80]The title
to the Crown was originally elective, and the notion of the hereditary right
grew gradually. What survives of the elective
principle is still to be seen in
the terms of the coronation ceremony. The true nature of the title of William
and Mary was elective,
but this was cloaked in the legitimacy of heredity. James
II was deemed to have abdicated by having withdrawn himself from the country
(Some Considerations Touching Succession And Allegiance (1689)
7).
[81]Maitland,
Frederic, The Constitutional History of England- a course of lectures
(1931)
283-5.
[82]Commons
Journals dated 28 January 1688.
[83]Commons
Journals dated 12 February 1688 and 13 February
1688.
[84]1 Will
III & Mary sess 2 c
2.
[85]2 Will &
Mary c 1.
[86]So
far as the royal title was concerned, the Act merely "recognised and
acknowledged" title, whereas enacting rather than declaratory
language was used
in confirming the Acts of the Convention Parliament. See Brookfield, FM, "Some
aspects of the Necessity Principle
in Constitutional Law" (1972, unpublished
University of Oxford DPhil thesis, Parliaments of the de facto king, 278). They
could have
claimed the Crown by conquest, but William and Mary disavowed any
intention to do so.
[87]Halsbury's
Laws of England, supra note 19, at para
847.
[88]Union with
Scotland Act 1706 (6 Anne c 11) (Eng), art II; Union with Ireland Act 1800 (39
& 40 Geo III c 67) (Eng) art 2; Ireland
Act 1949 (12 & 13 Geo VI c 41)
(UK) s 1 (1). In Scotland a convention offered the Throne jointly to William and
Mary, though
conditional upon the abolition of episcopacy and the institution of
a Presbyterian church
order.
[89]The
Princess Sophia having predeceased Anne, the Crown descended, under this
provision, to George I, son of Sophia. It then descended
lineally to George IV,
from George IV to his brother William IV, from whom it descended to Queen
Victoria, niece of William IV, then
lineally to Edward VIII, who on 10 December
1936, executed an Instrument of Abdication, and, on 11 December 1936, gave his
assent
to His Majesty's Declaration of Abdication Act 1936 (1 Edw VIII & 1
Geo VI c 3) (UK). Thereupon His Majesty ceased to be king,
and the Crown passed
to George VI (s 1 (1)), from whom it descended lineally to Her present Majesty
Queen Elizabeth II. The Duke
of Windsor (the former King Edward VIII) and any
issue he might have were excluded from the succession: s 1
(2).
[90]As to the
effect of the Act of Settlement 1700 (12 & 13 Will III c 2) (Eng) and the
subsequent statute, 4 Anne c 4 (Princess Sophia,
naturalisation) (1705)
(otherwise 4 & 5 Anne c 16) (Eng) (repealed) on the lineal descendants of
Princess Sophia, see Attorney-General v Prince Ernest Augustus of Hanover
[1957] AC 436, [1957] 1 All ER 49, HL (lineal descendants are British subjects).
Indeed, Blackstone maintained that this Act actually re-asserted the rule of
hereditary
succession. But it really provided for the Crown to continue in the
hereditary line, but by right of Parliament. Blackstone, Sir
William,
Commentaries on the Laws of England ed Christian
(1978).
[91]6 Ann c
41.
[92]Halsbury's
Laws of England, supra note 19, at para
850.
[93]Act of
Settlement 1700 (12 & 13 Will III c 2) (Eng) s 1: the lords spiritual and
temporal and commons shall and will, in the name
of all the people of the realm,
most humbly and faithfully submit themselves, their heirs and posterities, and
faithfully promise
[in the event of the decease of King William III and of Queen
Anne and the failure of the heirs of their respective bodies] to stand
to,
maintain and defend the heirs of the body of the Princess Sophia, being
Protestants, according to the limitation and succession
of the Crown in the Act
specified and contained, to the utmost of their powers, with their lives and
estates, against all persons
whatsoever that shall attempt anything to the
contrary.
[94]12
& 13 Will III c 2
(Eng).
[95]Without
the Act, on the death of Queen Anne the Elector of Hanover would still have
succeeded, but only if none of the intervening
Catholics had renounced his or
her
religion.
[96]This
prohibition is the subject of some consideration in the Report of the Justice
and Law Reform Committee, supra note 17, at 58; Section 3 would appear to
prevent New Zealanders (and others of Her Majesty overseas subjects) from being
appointed members of the Privy
Council.
[97]Cannon
and Griffiths, supra note 52, at
440.
[98]The actual
wording used says that any person "who shall be reconciled to, or hold communion
with, the see or Church of Rome, or profess
the popish religion, or marry a
papist", is excluded from "inheriting, possessing or enjoying the Crown".
[99]This is the
joint effect of the Act of Settlement 1700 (12 & 13 Will III c 2) (Eng) s 2,
as amended by the Accession Declaration
Act 1910 (10 Edw VII & 1 Geo V c 29)
(UK), and the Bill of Rights 1688 (1 Will III & Mary sess 2 c 2) (Eng) s 1,
as amended
by the Juries Act 1825 (6 Geo IV c 50) (UK) s
62.
[100]12 &
13 Will III c 2
(Eng).
[101]Thus
Prince Edward Duke of Kent retains his position (21st in 1999) in the line of
succession despite his wife Katharine having been
received into the Roman
Catholic Church on 11 January 1994. However, their son George Earl of St Andrews
lost his right to the Throne
when he married the Roman Catholic Sylvana Palma
Tomaselli 9 January 1988. Similarly, Prince Michael of Kent lost his own right
to
the Throne when he married Baroness Marie-Christine von Reibnitz in 1978.
Anyone who is disqualified loses his or her title to the
Crown by operation of
law, and without the need for any procedures to be followed. Children of such
parents retain their right to
succeed so long as not otherwise disqualified.
[102]Thus the
marriage of George Prince of Wales to Mrs Maria Fitzherbert, a devout Catholic
and twice a widow, did not disqualify him
from succeeding as king in 1820, as
the marriage was contrary to the Royal Marriages Act 1772 (12 Geo III c 11)
(GB), and legally
null and void. The Imperial Laws Application Act 1988
preserves for the purposes of New Zealand law sections 1 and 2 of the Royal
Marriages Act 1772 (12 Geo III c 11) (GB). They are also preserved in the United
Kingdom, New South Wales, Victoria and the Australian
Capital Territory
(Report of the Justice and Law Reform Committee, supra note 17, at 61).
The Act itself is archaic and badly drafted. It has been argued that the Act
does not apply to any of Queen
Victoria's descendants- O'Farran, supra note 21,
at 140. The Royal Marriages Act 1772 applies to all the descendants of George
II,
other than the issue of princesses who have married into foreign families.
Their marriages are void unless the consent of the Queen
has been formally
signified. Such a person may, however, marry without consent if they are over
twenty-one, provided that they give
twelve months' notice to the Privy Council
and the two Houses of Parliament do not register objection during that
period.
[103]There
was however some consideration given to the Duke of Kent succeeding, as he had a
son and heir. See also the Accession Proclamation
of His Majesty King George VI
12 December
1936.
[104]1 Edw
VIII & 1 Geo VI c 3; now repealed in New Zealand by the Imperial Laws
Application Act
1988.
[105]22
& 23 Geo V c 4
(UK).
[106]Halsbury's
Laws of England, supra note 19, at vol 8 para
851.
[107]Calvin's
Case (1608) 7 Co Rep 1a, 10b; and 3 Co Inst 7; 4 Co Inst 156, 201, 352. The
acceptance of this doctrine appears to have been gradual, the importance of the
ceremonies of the oath of recognition and coronation being originally far
greater than it is now. Edward I commenced to reign in
1272, although his
coronation did not take place until 1274. Edward II dated his reign from the day
after his father's death. See
Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England
in its origin and development (4th ed 1906)
102.
[108]According
to Coke, the Crown descends to the rightful heir before coronation, for by the
law of England there is no interregnum, and
the coronation is but an ornament or
solemnity of honour; and so it was resolved by all the judges (Calvin's Case
(1608) 7 Co Rep 1a). Coronation is a solemn recognition on the part of the
nation that the regal authority is vested in the person of the Sovereign, and
on
the part of the Sovereign a solemn recognition of the fundamental rights of the
people. Coke based his conclusion, not in itself
unreasonable, on the grounds of
causa
necessitatis.
[109]This
is the established practice, for which there appears to be no direct legal
authority other than usage. For the form of proclamation
used on the accession
of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, see the London Gazette, 8 February
1952,
787.
[110]Administration
of Estates Act 1925 (15 & 16 Geo V c 25) (UK); Administration Amendment Act
1944
(NZ).
[111]Discrimination
on the grounds of sex being unlawful; see also the Human Rights Commission Act
1977.
[112]Norway
and the Netherlands have in recent decades instituted these changes. Given
modern life spans, borough-English, in which land
descended to the younger son
to the exclusion of all other children, would actually make more sense. See
Cheshire, GC, Modern Law of Real Property ed EH Burn (13th ed 1982) 25;
Coke, supra note 21, at ss 165, 211; Blackstone, supra note 20, at vol ii, 83. A
similar rule applied
in Swaziland.
[113]This is
particularly significant in the United Kingdom, at a time when the House of
Lords is undergoing reform, and significant powers
are being devolved to a
Scottish Parliament and a Welsh Assembly, though not an English Parliament. Ssee
Mirfield, "Can the House
of Lords Lawfully be abolished?" (1979) 95 LQR 37;
Winterton, "Is the House of Lords Immortal?" (1979) 95 LQR
386.
[114]Bills
which affect the royal prerogative, hereditary revenues, personal property or
interests of the Crown, or the Duchy of Lancaster
require the Queen's consent,
or the Prince of Wales's consent for Bills affecting the Duchy of Cornwall.
These consents are customarily
given, and do not imply actual approval of the
proposed measure (Erskine May, Parliamentary Practice (1989) 237,
561).
AustLII:
Copyright Policy
|
Disclaimers
|
Privacy Policy
|
Feedback
URL: http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ALRS/1999/1.html