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Atkinson, Judy --- "Stinkin' Thinkin' - Alcohol, Violence and Government Responses" [1991] AboriginalLawB 36; (1991) 1(51) Aboriginal Law Bulletin 4


Stinkin’ Thinkin’ - Alcohol, Violence and Government Responses

by Judy Atkinson

"When we understand that our major policy decisions within the white male system are made by people who do not understand or admit to their own addictive processes, and these decisions are made by persons whose thinking processes are the same as the distorted stinkin' thinkin' of the addict, we rightfully fear for our lives, and those of our children."[1]

The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCIADC) has made 17 important recommendations in regard to alcohol and drug abuse prevention and treatment. The recommendations reflect the findings of the Royal Commission that substance use impacts considerably on the quality of life of some Aboriginal individuals, families and communities living in different circumstances throughout Australia.

The Australian Council of Alcohol and Other Drug Associations, in a report commissioned by the Royal Commission summarises this impact in the following terms:-

"(1) Aboriginal alcohol misuse has a devastating effect on family life by precipitating domestic violence and sexual abuse.

(2) Widespread alcohol misuse by parents and other Aboriginal adults provides strong negative role models of drinking and parenting behaviour for children.

(3) The misuse of alcohol has damaging effects on Aboriginal life in the social and cultural spheres. For example, heavy drinking has been linked to the neglect of important ceremonies in traditional communities.

(4) Although alcohol is not the only cause of family and community disruption, it is seen as a primary cause by many Aboriginal people."[2]

It is important therefore, that the Government and others respond to the 17 recommendations in a positive and meaningful way, to ensure Aboriginal communities and organisations receive the necessary resources and skills to continue to deal with problems associated with substance abuse.

The RCIADC National Report also discusses, in various contexts, the issue of violence towards Aboriginal women and children. It acknowledges that "appalling levels of domestic violence against Aboriginal women and children have been recorded", and that "domestic violence, rape and even murder have been cited as failing to attract the due attention of police and the criminal justice system".[3] The report of the Aboriginal Issues Unit of the Northern Territory confirms;

"the death of women and constant assault, both sexual and physical, of women and children in Aboriginal communities far exceed in sheer numbers and the enormity of suffering, the problem which custody and deaths in custody pose for men".[4]

Yet, the RCIADC made no recommendations specifically related to violence, and in particular violence in the family. It would therefore be assumed that the Commission considers that this particular and serious problem will be dealt with through addressing the issue of alcohol misuse, and through attention to the broader issues of inequality, addressed in its other 338 recommendations.

This denies the reality of the particular needs of women and children. The pain that they suffer must also be given priority attention if the cycles of abuse are to be broken. Women's resource centres, women's and children's shelters and children's programs are often the best places for people to acknowledge their hurt and allow healing to begin.

Violence, Alcohol and Society

The level and intensity of violence towards Aboriginal women and children results from a number of complex factors and conflicts created in Aboriginal interaction with the colonial white male system. It is compounded and sometimes precipitated by alcohol misuse, but our greater understanding must be that both alcohol and violence were tools used in our own subjugation by the colonial invaders. In many instances we have appropriated these tools to continue our subjugation.

Violence towards Aboriginal women is neither a private, family or Aboriginal community problem. It reflects the broader structures of racial, sexual and economic in equality in society. The level of Aboriginal male violence towards Aboriginal women reflects a breakdown in Aboriginal social order. This inference cannot be drawn when considering male violence in Australian society generally. Violence by men towards Aboriginal women is an affirmation of a particular social order (that of white males) which arises out of the socio-cultural belief that women, and in particular Aboriginal women are less important than men and so are not entitled to equal respect.[5]

Violence towards Aboriginal women must be seen in the context of a society that tolerates the subordination of, and violence towards Aborigines generally and to women in particular. The processes and systems of society reinforce this subordination and the functional context of violence. It is in this context that responses to Aborigines and our alcohol misuse are addressed.

Alcohol abuse is also permeated throughout the systems of this society. The country would suffer a massive withdrawal, perhaps even the D.T's, if for some reason alcohol was no longer available. In fact, Schaef refers to the system as addictive because it has all of the characteristics of the addict. It is a system of domination and power abuse which is entirely self-centred. It has a distinct sense of superiority which some call ego and ethnocentric. It exists in a state of dishonesty and denial. Violence and murder are condoned and justified if they support the system. White male, colonial, addictive systems have perpetuated powerlessness thereby creating and maintaining dependency and co-dependency relationships.[6] This also fosters the structures which facilitate violence towards women.

Violence, Alcohol and the Individual

Although there is a great deal of controversy about the relationship between alcohol and violence towards women, one point must be made clear; alcohol does not cause violence and it should never be used as an excuse for violent behaviour. Having said this, it is also acknowledged that in Aboriginal relationships alcohol is present in the vast majority of cases where violence occurs. Alcohol intensifies the level of abuse.

However, there are also recorded instances where individuals, and even communities are grog free, and yet domestic violence still exists.

The literature on violence received by the Royal Commission (that I have seen) explores the relationship between alcohol and violence and proposes more research. Theories about the connection between alcohol and violence abound. However, they are not all that important in terms of treatment. What is important is to acknowledge the strong similarities between those involved in alcohol abuse and those who are violent within their families. It is also important to acknowledge the different needs of the victims of these abusive and addictive behaviours. It is those similarities, and the difference in victims needs that point the way to effective treatment programs.

The RCIADC report, Too Much Sorry Business, found that:

A Tangentyere Council study, of Aboriginal death records in Alice Springs from 1974 to 1988 shows that about half of town camp deaths during this period were due to alcohol related diseases, accidents or violence. Alcohol causes considerable suffering for men who drink Nearly one in six (16%) of town camp deaths between 1974-1988 were from fights; and murders. Women however, who generally do not drink, suffer considerably more. The rate for women,. 'who bear the brunt of the alcohol fuelled violence' is almost double that for men, almost' one in four (23%).[8]

Alcohol treatment programs have centred generally' on the needs of the substance abuser. Recently, more emphasis has been given to incorporating into the treatment program,the abusers family, who are called co-dependents and who are often seen as 'enabling' the drinking.

."What happens usually if a person is drinking they asking' their wives or family to go and buy grog, and then they come back drunk and flog the wife and kids, next day wife has got a black eye, and he's got a headache, so the wife gives him a Panadol and make sure he's alright.
So what's happening is that the family is helping that person become an alcoholic, helping him 'cause when he comes back drunk they'll put him to bed, they'll look after him, so you've got the dependant and the family is supporting the dependant."[9]

So in this instance, some of the blame for the person's drinking problem is moved to the victim of his addiction.

Treatment programs for domestic violence have traditionally centred around the needs of the victim, empowering her to look at her situation and make the necessary changes in her life to ensure the future survival of her and her children. Often the behaviour that is criticised as 'enabling' the alcohol co-dependency situation is behaviour that has been developed to enable the victim of violence to survive. The women `the above may be in a position of living from minute to minute. Whatever she does at a given time and which is seen as 'enabling' in the alcohol treatment context, is done to avoid another flogging. She cannot think that far ahead. When she finds money for his drinking, which she knows is some of her essential food money, she is conditioned by fear to use the money on grog even though the flogging she will receive later will be more intense. Invariably, she does not have a shelter she can run to for support if she says no to the man's request for money. The police provide her with no support.

Different treatments are needed in situations of alcohol abuse where violence, is involved to those situations where no violence is involved. Where there is no violence, the addict's family can play an important, and indeed essential role with rehabilitation' However, where there is violence, victims need unconditional support, and empowerment to enable them to change the circumstances of their abuse. Alcohol abuse is not a criminal activity. Domestic violence is criminal assault in the home.

Ariginal women would be in a strong position to force abusive male behaviour to change, if we were given the space and support through shelters, resource centres and support services. Alcohol treatment centres do not necessarily mean that alcohol abusers will seek treatment. But if women felt safe enough from the violence to examine their behaviour in relation to 'enabling' alcohol abuse, or any other negative activity in their lives, they could facilitate behaviour changes in others by their own non-compliance and non-acceptance of such behaviours. If they choose to lay charges for criminal assault in the home then the courts need to be prepared to use treatment as a sentencing option.

There is a need for alcohol treatment centres to develop programs that also acknowledge that very often violence is present in the alcohol abuser's addictive behaviours.

The characteristics of those involved in alcohol abuse and domestic violence indicate that there is a need to develop treatment that is complimentary to both problems.

Many abusers experienced abuse when they were children. The abusive partner is more likely to be a man and the 'victim' is more likely to be a woman. Both partners will probably be, emotionally dependant and have low self-esteem.

Both alcohol abusers and perpetrators of domestic violence blame others, generally the victim, for their behaviour and deny that there is a problem. The victims of violence and spouses of alcoholics often accept the blame for the attacks or the drinking.

Abusive partners expect others to understand the reasons for their violence and to comply-with their drinking. The 'victims' are usuallyl oyal and make excuses for their partners. They want the drinking/ violence to stop and the relationship to continue.

Abusive partners in both situations are possessive and jealous with real fears of being left. The wife is treated as property to be controlled; Wives are compliant, trying to pacify, please and obey in their attempts to survive. This is the "enabling" behaviour that is treated in codependancy alcohol treatment programs.

Drinkers and assaulting partners make promises. I'll stop tomorrow. I won't hit you again. The victim believes these promises. That's why she stays. If she can change enough and support him, he'll stop his drinking and stop hitting her.

Finally, in both forms of behaviour neither problem is confronted by either partner until there in some sort of crisis.[10] It is this crisis that enables effective intervention. If a women feels she must leave because of the level of abuse, she must have somewhere to go. If a charge has been laid, courts must have treatment services as sentencing options. Those in positions to respond - to provide effective treatment and support services, must look at, and discard their "stinkin' thinkin", the process which has been our own socialisation within the system.

Women's Needs to Break the Cycle

At the Remote Areas' Aboriginal Women's Conference in Laura, Cape York (July, 1991) Marilyn Shirt, a Native Canadian woman of the Cree Nation said:

"the thing that struck me the most was the amount of pain [in Aboriginal women] - fresh unhealed pain".[11]

It seems to me this whole issue is one of such hurt, trauma, and complexity, it is placed in the "too hard" basket by most people. Governments are sitting back hoping the "community" will come up with the answers, or they promote middle-class white 'solutions' without understanding or listening to actual needs. As people have opened doors to look at problems they have uncovered further abuse. All too often there is more than just the 'domestic violence'. Violence in the family also involves abuse of children and there is so much shame and blame as we begin to deal with these issues.

There are traumatised people who are hurting, but who don't know what they can do to relieve the hurt. At the same time there is great strength in women and men, evidenced by those who attended the Laura conference and said "when we speak out about our experiences we begin the healing process".

Part of the 'speaking out' must be about our past for the past explains the present, and determines the future. To deny the past is to deny us any ability to deal effectively with the present and therefore precludes us from a relevant future in our land.

Lessons of powerlessness are contained in much of our contact history. Australians have never been able to acknowledge sexual violence in their history. It is now alright to write of the guns and the poisoned flour, the killing of black women and children. It is still taboo to acknowledge the horrific levels of sexual violence towards Aboriginal women and children by white males.

Since 1788 our normal human and family relationships have been brutally assaulted. Historical records demonstrate expressions of concern by people such as Missionary Watson who wrote in his journal:

"Aboriginal women are exploited universally by all classes of settlers - there is scarcely a settler's hut in the district where white men whether master, overseer or convict did not retain Aboriginal women."

His diary records an eight year old girl coming to the mission with venereal disease, one of four kept by white stockmen. Such situations were commonplace and well documented. Attitudes towards Aboriginal women are embodied in the language formulated to describe Aboriginal women: - black velvet - gin sprees - gin jockeys - gin busters and so on).[12]

Also recorded are the many attempts by Aboriginal men to protect their women and children and their anger and distress at being unable to do so.[13]

The Aboriginal Women's Council of Saskatchewan wrote on child sexual abuse:

"Victims who are not helped very often go through life being further victimised. Many turn to the streets, while some victims turn to self-mutilation and or suicide attempts".

This is what we call cycles of abuse. These cycles reflect the colonial violence of the last two hundred years - physical, emotional, verbal, economic, sexual and most importantly spiritual.

The level of hurt and distress in Aboriginal women needs to be recognised and addressed. While it is true that empowering women without empowering men will not solve the problems discussed here, women need to have their own place, safe from violence-and then come together with their men to develop joint strategies.

But if we follow the recommendations of the Royal Commission and provide treatment for men with alcohol abuse problems, without also responding to the violence resulting from 200 years of contact abuse, we 'victimise the victims' again. Aboriginal women are not victims, we are survivors. In many places we need women's shelters and resource centres to ensure not only our own survival but that of our violent partners, and in the long term, our cultural heritage.


[1] Schaef, A. W., "When Society Becomes an Addict" p.132

[2] Johnston, E. (1991) National Report Vol.2 p.313, Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, ALPS, Canberra.

[3] Johnston, E. (1991) National Report Vol.3, p.41, Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, ALPS, Canberra.

[4] Northern Territory Aboriginal Issues Unit (1991) "To Much Sorry Business" Report to the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody. See National Report, Vol.5 p.373, RCIADC, ALPS, Canberra.

[5] United Nations Office at Vienna, "Violence against women in the family", Centre for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs.

[6] Schaef, A. W. Op Cit.

[7] Northern Territory Aboriginal Issues Unit, Op Cit, Vol.5 p.322

[8] Ibid p.304

[9] Ibid p.307

[10] see Walker, LE. (1979) "The Battered Women", Harper & Row, New York.

[11] Koori Mail, Wednesday, July 17,1991 p.23

[12] Harris, J. (1990) "One Blood: 200 Years of Aboriginal Encounter with Christianity: A Story of Hope", Albertross Books.

[13] The Homer Bank massacre in Queensland is an example of this. See Reid, G. (1982) "A Nest of Hornets: The Massacre of the Fraser family at Hornet Bank Station, Central Queensland l857 and related events", Oxford University Press, Melbourne.


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