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2215120 (Refugee) [2024] AATA 3524 (15 July 2024)
Last Updated: 4 October 2024
2215120 (Refugee) [2024] AATA 3524 (15 July 2024)
DECISION RECORD
DIVISION:
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Migration & Refugee Division
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REPRESENTATIVE:
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Mr Tony Tran
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CASE NUMBERS:
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2215120 2215114
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COUNTRY OF REFERENCE:
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MEMBER:
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Fraser Robertson
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DATE:
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15 July 2024
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PLACE OF DECISION:
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Perth
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DECISION:
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- In
respect of case 2215120, the Tribunal affirms the decision not to grant
the applicants a protection visa.
- In
respect of case 2215114, the Tribunal affirms the decision not to grant
the applicant a protection visa.
- In
respect of both cases, the Tribunal refers them for Ministerial
intervention under s 417 of the Act.
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Statement made on 15 July 2024 at 12:16pm
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CATCHWORDS
REFUGEE
– Protection Visa – Pakistan – religion –
Shia faith – involvement in foiling the attempted bombing – not
satisfied that the applicants
face a real chance of being accused of blasphemy
– perceived to be Westernised – strong compassionate
circumstances – fourth-named applicant is now an Australian citizen
– Ministerial intervention
– decision
under review affirmed
LEGISLATION
Australian
Citizenship Act 2007 (Cth), s 12(b)
Migration Act 1958, ss 5,
36, 65, 424, 417, 499
Migration Regulations 1994, Schedule 2
Any references appearing in square brackets indicate that information has
been omitted from this decision pursuant to section 431 of the Migration Act
1958 and replaced with generic information which does not allow the
identification of an applicant, or their relative or other dependant.
STATEMENT OF DECISION AND REASONS
- These
reasons relate to two related applications for review of decisions made by
different delegates of the responsible Minister to
refuse to grant the
applicants a protection visa under s 65 of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth)
(the 'Act').
- The
applicants are a family unit claiming to be unable to return to Pakistan because
of their Shia faith. For these reasons, I have
concluded that the applicants do not face a real chance of serious harm, and the
decision under
review should be affirmed.
- I
will refer the applications and these reasons to the Minister for ministerial
intervention because I have concluded that there are
strong compassionate
circumstances that if not recognised would result in serious, ongoing and
irreversible harm and continuing hardship
to an Australian citizen, namely the
fourth-named applicant who is now an Australian
citizen.
BACKGROUND
- The
applicants are as follows:
(a) the first-named applicant ('SA') is a [age]-year-old female born in
Pakistan.
(b) the second-named applicant ('AA') is a [age]-year-old male born in
Pakistan.
(c) the third-named applicant ('JAM') is a [age]-year-old male born in
Pakistan.
(d) the fourth-named applicant ('KAM') is a male born in Australia and
recently turned 10 years old.
(e) the fifth-named applicant ('DZM') is a female born in Australia and
is [age] years old.
- SA
and AA are a married couple and the parents of JAM, KAM, and DZM. SA was granted
a student visa in March 2010. In May 2010, SA,
AA, and JAM arrived in Australia
on that visa. KAM was born in [2014]. On [date] 2024, KAM was recognised as an
Australian citizen,
having acquired Australian citizenship by operation of
s 12(b) of the
Australian Citizenship Act 2007 (Cth).
- SA,
AA, JAM, and KAM applied for protection visas in April 2015. They were not
invited to an interview in connection with their application,
which was refused
in July 2017. In the same month, SA, AA, JAM, and KAM applied for review.
- Subsequently,
DZM was born in [year]. In September 2018, DZM applied for a protection visa.
DZM was not invited to an interview. That
application was refused in June 2019.
DZM applied to the Tribunal to review that decision [in] 2019. On 5 May 2021, a
hearing was
held in both applications before a differently constituted
Tribunal.
- On
30 June 2021, the differently constituted Tribunal affirmed both decisions not
to grant protection visas to the applicants.
- Thereafter,
the applicants sought judicial review of the Tribunal's decision. That
application was successful, and in September 2022,
the Court ordered that the
Tribunal's decision of 30 June 2021 be quashed and the review application be
remitted to the Tribunal.
Remitted review application
- I
note that the Tribunal does not have a copy of the order quashing the Tribunal's
decision and remitting the applicants for re-hearing.
Yet the orders in the
judgment published by the Court (to which the Tribunal was a party having filed
a submitting appearance), had
two potential issues:
(a) first, the order purported to quash the decision of the Tribunal on 21
October 2021. No such decision exists. The Tribunal's decision was dated 30
June 2021 (as Lucev J recognises in [1] of the reasons). The reference
to 21
October 2021 refers to the date the applicants filed an amended application for
judicial review.
(b) second, paragraph 3 of the orders requires the redetermination of “the
application for review made by the applicants on
17 July 2017” according
to law. DZM made her review application in 2019, not in July 2017. The review
application made by the
DZM is based on a different decision made by the
delegate.
- It
appears beyond argument that, subject to the orders contained in the reasons for
the decision reflecting the actual orders that
were entered, there is an obvious
slip or error in the orders that can be corrected. Clearly, the Court intended
to quash the decision
dated 30 June 2021 and remit both review applications for
re-determination. In my view, the orders of Lucev J would be capable of
amendment by recourse to rule 17.05(2)(h) of the Federal Circuit and Family
Court of Australia (Division 2) (General Federal Law) Rules 2021 (Cth).
- In
circumstances where the Tribunal was a party to those proceedings and would be
bound by the findings that the decision was affected
by jurisdictional error, I
can proceed on that basis alone. That is the approach that I have taken.
- The
applicants have provided a copy of the delegate's decision to the Tribunal and a
copy of the decision of the differently constituted
Tribunal.
- The
applicants were invited to attend a hearing before the Tribunal to give evidence
and present arguments.
- A
hearing was held on 14 June 2024 for the applicants to give evidence and make
submissions concerning the review applications. The
only applicants who appeared
before the Tribunal were SA and AA. That is understandable, as the remaining
applications are still
children. The Tribunal hearing was conducted with an
interpreter in Urdu and English.
Judicial review application
- As
already referred to, the applicants successfully sought judicial review of the
previous Tribunal decision.[1]
- The
basis for success was summarised by the applicant's representative in the
written submissions lodged with the Tribunal on 5 June
2024 as follows:
The Tribunal’s decision was remitted back for re-consideration as the
Tribunal failed to put [AA] on notice of adverse information
during or after the
Tribunal hearing of the inconsistent information provided by both the [SA] and
[AA] in accordance with either
s424A or s424AA of the Migration Act which
resulted in the Tribunal Decision to be affected by jurisdictional error.
Furthermore, it was found by the Court that the Tribunal
failed to consider
corroborative evidence from the series of Psychologist reports [dated] 26
January 2021, 4 December 2018 and 26
June 2017 in its assessment of the
Applicant’s credibility, but rather, focused on the assessment of the
[AA]'s capacity to
give evidence in the hearing (footnotes to the Court's
decision omitted)
Second tribunal hearing
- I
am not bound by the findings of the previous
Tribunal.[2] In any event, I am
permitted to have regard to any record of the proceeding as previously
constituted.[3]
- At
the start of the hearing on 14 June 2024 (the ‘second tribunal
hearing’), I indicated to the applicants and their representative that
I had listened to the hearing recording before the Tribunal
which led to the 30
June 2021 decision and had the benefit of a transcript of that hearing. I
indicated that, subject to any objection
or submissions, I did not intend to
re-traverse all areas of the evidence that the applicants had already given but
would, instead,
ask questions about some, but not all, aspects of their
evidence.
- Neither
the applicants nor their representative, Mr Tran, submitted that I should adopt
a different approach.
Post-hearing submissions
- At
the end of the hearing, Mr Tran indicated his preference for written submissions
rather than oral submissions in support of the
review application. In those
circumstances, I permitted Mr Tran additional time to provide written
submissions.
- The
applicant’s written submissions were lodged on 27 June 2024. I have
considered those submissions. In summary and among other
things, those
submissions:
- notwithstanding
the applicants views about the absence of a link between the incidents in 2008
and 2015, maintain that the applicants
rely on the submission dated 18 May 2021
about the link between those
incidents;[4]
- expressly
withdrew the claims related to the travel that AA undertook to [Country
1];[5]
(c) made submissions about the credibility of the evidence given in respect of
the 2008 incidents and the 2015 incident;
(d) made submissions about contemporary country information about the chance of
harm for persons in the applicants' position if they
returned to Pakistan. I
deal further with these submissions below.
- Further
evidence was provided responding to issues raised during the second hearing.
That evidence was consistent with the evidence
given orally at the hearing.
RELEVANT LAW
- The
criteria for a protection visa are set out in s 36 of the Act and Schedule 2 to
the Migration Regulations 1994 (Cth) (the Regulations). An applicant for
the visa must meet one of the alternative criteria in s 36(2)(a), (aa), (b), or
(c). That
is either, they are a person in respect of whom Australia has
protection obligations under the ‘refugee’ criterion or
on other
‘complementary protection’ grounds, or are a member of the same
family unit as such a person who holds a protection
visa of the same
class.
Refugee criterion
- Section
36(2)(a) provides that a criterion for a protection visa is that the applicant
for the visa is a non-citizen in Australia
in respect of whom the
decision‑maker is satisfied Australia has protection obligations because
the person is a refugee. A
person is a refugee if, in the case of a person who
has a nationality, they are outside the country of their nationality and, owing
to a well-founded fear of persecution, are unable or unwilling to avail
themselves of the protection of that
country.[6] A person has a
well-founded fear of persecution if they fear being persecuted for reasons of
race, religion, nationality, membership
of a particular social group or
political opinion, there is a real chance they would be persecuted for one or
more of those reasons,
and the real chance of persecution relates to all areas
of the relevant country.[7]
Persecution must involve serious
harm[8] and systematic and
discriminatory conduct.[9]
- A
fear of persecution will be "well‑founded" if there is a "real chance"
that the person will suffer the feared persecution
if returned to the receiving
country and the real chance relates to all areas of that
country.[10] A "real chance" is a
prospect that is not "remote" or "far‑fetched", it does not require a
likelihood of persecution on the
balance of
probabilities.[11] Additional
requirements relating to a ‘well-founded fear of persecution’ and
circumstances in which a person is taken
not to have such a fear are set out in
ss 5J(2)-(6) and ss 5K-LA, which appear in the attachment to this
decision.
Complementary protection criterion
- If
a person is found not to meet the ‘refugee criterion’ in
s 36(2)(a) of the Act, they may satisfy the 'complementary
protection
criterion' under s 36(2)(aa). That inquiry is prospective and asks whether there
are substantial grounds for believing
that there is a real risk that the
applicant will suffer significant harm as a "necessary and foreseeable
consequence" of return
to the receiving
country.[12] 'Significant
harm’ is exhaustively defined in s 36(2A) of the
Act.[13] Circumstances in which a
person is taken not to face a real risk of significant harm are set out in
ss 36(2A) and (2B), which appear
in the attachment to this
decision.
Mandatory considerations
- As
directed[14], I have had regard to
the 'Refugee Law Guidelines' and 'Complementary Protection Guidelines' prepared
by the Department of Home Affairs
and the DFAT Country Information
Report[15].
ANALYSIS, FINDINGS AND REASONS
- The
issue in this application is whether the applicant meets the refugee criterion
for protection contained in s 36(2)(a), or the
complementary protection
criterion contained in s 36(2)(aa) of the Act.
- Section
5AAA of the Act makes clear that it is the applicant’s responsibility to
specify all particulars of a claim to be a
person in respect of whom Australia
has protection obligations and to provide sufficient evidence to establish the
claim.[16] The Tribunal does not
have any responsibility or obligation to specify or establish, or assist an
applicant in specifying or establishing,
their claims. When assessing the claims
made, there is no requirement to uncritically accept any or all of the
allegations made.[17] Rebutting
evidence is not required before finding that a particular factual assertion is
not made out.[18]
- There
is a significant amount of evidence before the Tribunal. It is helpfully
summarised in the written submissions of the applicant's
representative dated 27
June 2024.[19] I have read and
considered all of the documents provided to both the Department and the Tribunal
in reaching my decision. I have
also considered the oral evidence given by the
applicants at the first and second hearings before the Tribunal, together with a
transcript
of the first hearing before the Tribunal as differently constituted.
Ultimately, however, the resolution of these review applications
turns on
country information.
Credibility
- The
assessment of credibility is an inherently difficult
task,[20] which should be conducted
carefully, fairly, and
reasonably.[21] Inconsistencies in
an applicant’s account may or may not be
significant.[22] The benefit of the
doubt should be given to those who are generally credible but are unable to
substantiate all of their
claims.[23]
- In
their written submissions, the applicants cite the Tribunal’s 'Guidelines
on Vulnerable Persons' and the guidelines on assessment
of credibility. I have
taken both of guidelines into consideration.
- I
am prepared to accept that the SA and AA are generally credible witnesses. I am
satisfied that they both gave their evidence the
best they could and that they
gave their evidence as they saw it. I am satisfied that they were measured in
their approach to giving
evidence, including, for example, making concessions
against their interest by indicating that it was unclear whether the attack
on
AA related to the events at the Imambargah.
Material findings
- Based
on the evidence before the Tribunal, I am satisfied that:
(a) the applicants are Shia Muslims and come from observant Shia families;
(b) SA and AA married in 2005, they are cousins and share a grandmother;
(c) that the grandmother of SA and AA was a prominent Shia figure in the
community who was involved with [an organisation] and was
a [member] of a local
Imambargah located within the same building as a large mosque, Khoja Masjid,
located in Kharadar from about
1975 until she died in 2017;
(d) SA was, and had been since she was young, a volunteer at the Imambargah
which her grandmother [was a member];
(e) in 2008 SA stopped an attempted bombing by two women with Muhajir accents
when she insisted on searching their bags. When the
attempted bombers were being
lead off by authorities, they shouted threats to seriously harm SA and her
family as they were being
led off. This attempted bombing lead to security at
the Imambargah being increased.
(f) around two weeks after the attempted bombing of the Imambargah, AA was
attacked whilst returning from Ashura commemorations.
At the time, AA was
readily identifiable as a Shia because he was dressed in black to represent his
mourning during the Muharram
period. During the attack, AA was injured when he
was cut by a knife and shot. The gunshot scraped, but did not penetrate, his
knee.
The persons who attacked AA had Muhajir accents;
(g) after the attackers had fled, AA's brother and friend, [Mr A], came to
assist him and took him to a clinic to receive medical
attention;
(h) following these attacks, SA and AA were fearful of further harm which
resulted in the family moving five times, although AA subsequently,
and
infrequently, attended the Imambargah, but she no longer worked as a
volunteer;
(i) the applicants are unaware of any other attacks, or attempted attacks, on
the Khoja Masjid or the Imambargah either before or
after the 2008 incident;
(j) SA travelled briefly to Iran for religious purposes in May 2004 and AA
visited [Country 1] for nine days in February 2009 for
religious purposes;
(k) SA was granted a student visa in March 2010. AA and JAM were dependants on
that visa. They did not leave Pakistan right after
because of injuries that
occurred to JAM around the time of their visa being granted
(l) SA, AA and JAM first arrived in Australia on [date] May 2010. When SA, AA
and JAM arrived, they feared harm in Pakistan on account
of their faith, but
held hope that the situation would improve.;
(m) AA's friend, [Mr A], was shot by a gunman on a motorbike in 2013, although
the motivation for the attack is not known;
(n) SA, AA, JAM and KAM returned to Pakistan in February 2015, because their
grandmother was unwell. They stayed at the home that
they had shared with their
grandmother and AA's parents before the 2008 incidents;
(o) whilst in Pakistan, on or about 16 March 2015 they received a letter
threatening to kill their children unless they pay 2 million
rupees;
(p) on or about 19 March 2015, they received a letter demanding 3 million rupees
and threatening to kill the SA, AA and their children
as 'Kafir' (infidels) if
they did not comply. A bullet accompanied this letter. A telephone call was made
to AA with the caller indicating
that instructions would be provided shortly;
(q) the applicants went to the Police following the 19 March 2015 letter. They
were told it would be investigated and when they followed
up the next day, were
told the investigation was not yet complete. Police refused AA's request for an
armed guard. AA destroyed his
sim card to prevent further calls;
(r) the applicants were not the only people who received similar threatening
letters around this time also demanding money;
(s) SA and AA did not make any payment as demanded by either letter;
(t) Following these letters, SA, AA, JAM and KAM moved to SA's mother's home and
then a friends home until they departed from Pakistan;
(u) SA, AA, JAM and KAM returned to Australia on or about [date] March 2015;
(v) SA, AA, JAM and KAM applied for a protection visa on 9 April 2015;
(w) SA and AA's grandmother died in 2017;
(x) no members of AA's or SA's close families have experienced serious or
significant harm because of their Shia religion, their
association with the SA
and AA, their association with the Imambargah or the Khoja Masjid Mosque;
(y) SA has been diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder ('PTSD'),
Major Depressive Disorder ('MDD') and Generalised Anxiety Disorder
('GAD') and is prescribed medication to treat her conditions;
(z) both AA and SA have a genuinely held subjective fear of harm of returning to
Pakistan because of their identity as Shia Muslims;
Was AA targeted because of SA's involvement in foiling the
attempted bombing?
- A
relevant question to the assessment of whether the applicants face a real chance
of serious harm in the future is whether AA was
targeted because of SA's
involvement in foiling the attempted bombing of the Imambargah.
- In
their evidence, both AA and SA, to their credit, conceded that they could not
say whether there was a connection between SA's involvement
in foiling the
bombing attempt and the attack on SA. AA's evidence was that the attack on him
might have been motivated because the
attackers believed he was Shia because of
the manner of his dress.
- In
their written submissions, the applicant's submitted:
With respect to the connection between the incident on the Shia shrine and the
attack on [AA], it is noted that the Applicants did
not assert in their evidence
that they were sure of such a link, but that such a link was possible,
particularly as the perpetrators
of both incidents had Mohajir accents. It is
submitted that given the attack on [AA] occurred so soon after the incident at
the Shia
Mosque, it would be reasonable for the Applicants to fear that the
second attack may have been motivated by [SA]’s involvement
in the first,
especially as she was threatened by one of the women after she helped stop them
from carrying out the attack.[24]
- It
is otherwise submitted that it is open to me to conclude that a connection
between the two events is a possibility considering
the threats made to SA and
the "probability that the females" were members of a militant group rather than
acting alone. That group
is submitted to have been sufficiently well resourced
to discover the identity of SA and
AA.[25] The only other links are the
proximity in time and the common accents.
- Whilst
I accept that the attack occurred shortly after threats made to SA, the only
other connection between the perpetrators was
their accent. Suppose both attacks
were, as the applicants submit, carried out by members of well-resourced
militant group, who were
able to identify SA and AA and coordinate a targeted
attack on AA. In that case, it is plausible and reasonable to conclude that
the
militant group would have been able to identify other members of SA and AA's
family, including their grandmother.
- It
is also plausible and reasonable to conclude that the militant group would have
had the ability and means to attempt, if not carry
out, further attacks on the
Imambargah, notwithstanding the increased security. Such a militant group would
also have had the ability
and means to attempt, or carry out, attacks on other
members of SA and AA's family. Yet there is no evidence of any such attacks
or
attempted attacks.
- I
do not accept the submission that family members of targets of militant or
extremist groups may not be of interest to those groups
and that explains the
lack of further reprisal.[26] I also
do not accept the claim that their grandmother was not targeted or harmed
following the attempted bombing because of her advanced
age. As I raised at the
hearing, persons or groups who are willing to carry out bombings of religious
targets seek to cause indiscriminate
harm. A bomb is a weapon that does not
discriminate between young or old, male or female, Shia or Sunni, family member
of target
or person in the wrong place at the wrong time. I do not accept that
it is particularly plausible that a person, or group, that is
willing to attack
a civilian target, using such an indiscriminate weapon, refrains from targeting
elderly people, or related family
members, of persons who have wronged them,
whether out of some sense of conscience, honour, or otherwise.
- I
am not satisfied that AA was targeted because SA foiled the attempted bombing of
the Imambargah or that there was any relevant connection
between the attacks.
However, I am satisfied that he was targeted because he was identifiable as a
Shia. I find that the attack on
AA was an opportunistic attack on an
identifiable Shia, with AA being the unfortunate victim who was in the wrong
place, at the wrong
time.
- I
do accept, however, that it was not unreasonable for the applicants to believe
or fear that the attacks may have been linked in
some way at the time. Their
decision to go into effective hiding and often move around is understandable in
that context.
Were the applicants targeted in 2015 because of the events
in 2008?
- In
this respect, it is submitted that the applicants believe "these incidents of
harm are not necessarily linked to each other but
rather incidents that occurred
as a result of being Shia Muslims in
Pakistan."[27] The evidence is that
the applicants were not the only people who received threatening letters in
2015. I accept the submission that
the receipt of the threatening letters in
2015 was motivated by the applicants being perceived to be Shia. I am satisfied
that the
applicants were not specifically targeted with these letters for any
reasons related to what had occurred in 2008.
Country information
- As
of 2023, the population of Pakistan is around 241.5 million
people.[28] The Sindh province,
where Karachi is located, has around 55.7 million
people.[29] Karachi is home to a
population of around 20.3 million
people.[30]
Shia
- Pakistan’s
Muslim population is around 96% of the overall population. It is home to the
world’s second-largest Shia population
(after Iran), which comprises
around 15–20% of the total Muslim population. Other figures put the Shia
population in Pakistan
at closer to
25–30%.[31] Significant Shia
communities exist in Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi, and
Islamabad.[32] Based on this
information, I find that the Shia population in Sindh is likely between 8.3
million and 16.7 million people and, in
Karachi, the population is between 3
million and 6 million people who identify as Shia.
- Most
Pakistani Shia (except Hazaras) are not physically or linguistically
distinguishable from Sunnis, and national censuses do not
distinguish between
them.[33] National identity cards do
not identify a cardholder’s religion, and passports do not distinguish
between Sunni and Shia
Muslims.[34]
- Shia
can generally establish places of worship and practise their religion without
overt state interference.[35] The
divide between Shia and Sunni has both political and religious aspects. Shia
are well-represented in parliament and regularly
contest elections for
mainstream political parties.[36]
- Pakistani
police provide security for Shia
events.[37] However, no independent
country information has been located which suggests that there is presently any
level of official discrimination
among the police against Shia. This seems to
align with the view that the Shia population in Pakistan is large and dispersed
in all
walks of life.[38]
- As
to protection, the UK Home Office assesses
that:[39]
In regard to Shia Muslims, the state takes action to curtail extremist
activities, such as increased security force presence and
visibility,
restrictions on clerics known for exacerbating sectarian tensions, suspension of
cellular services, and heightened security
monitoring, particularly in the
run-up to and during the month of Muharram. Federal and provincial authorities
increase security
during Shia religious commemorations, reducing the risk of
attack. Military escorts are provided for Shia pilgrims travelling along
high-risk roads to and from Iran although they are reported to be infrequent.
In general, the state is both willing and able to offer effective protection to
Shia Muslims. A person’s reluctance to seek
protection does not
necessarily mean that effective protection is not available.
- The
UK Home Office reports that accounting for the size of the Shia population in
Pakistan, a Shia is not likely to face a risk of
persecution and/or serious harm
from the state that is sufficiently serious, by its nature or repetition, to
amount to persecution.[40]
- DFAT
reports that Shia in Pakistan face a moderate risk of sectarian violence,
although the situation has improved considerably in
recent
years.[41] DFAT also assesses that
Shia face a moderate risk of societal discrimination in the form of anti-Shia
protests and community violence.
DFAT also assesses that Hazaras, Turis and
Bangash Shia face specific, heightened
risks.[42]
Media suppression / censorship
- The
applicants submit that Pakistan suppresses media coverage about sectarian
violence.[43] Among other things,
those submissions refer to a tendency within local media reports in Pakistan to
avoid, or minimise, reporting
violence against Shia or other minorities.
Examples provided include an attack on a mosque in Peshawar in March 2022 where
editors
sought to remove the words "Shia" and "Imambargah" from their stories
because it "was against policy". The submission also refers
to the criticism of
the editor of Dawn[44] for reporting
that the victims of that attack were
Shia[45], quoting the information
minister as having said "do you want Shia-Sunni riots in Pakistan?".
- I
am prepared to accept that reports from in-country sources may be subject to
censorship or that in-country new services may be pressured
to omit details
suggesting that there were religious motivations for attacks. Even so, the
article relied on by the applicants does
not, in my view, support a conclusion
that all media underreport or minimise news about attacks on Shia.
Sectarian violence, terrorism, extremist and militant groups
- The
applicants submit that despite lower statistics of violence in Sindh, country
information is showing a rise in sectarian violence
in
Sindh.[46] They cite a 2023 report
from the Center for Research and Security Studies (‘CRSS’)
and refer to a high number of terrorism incidents in Karachi— 63 incidents
resulting in 58 fatalities and 68 injuries.
- The
applicants also submit that CRSS reports that throughout its reporting year,
sectarian violence has surged alarmingly across Pakistan.
They refer to data
from CRSS which suggests that in Sindh there were 8 incidents of sectarian
violence resulting in 5 fatalities
and 25 injuries, representing around 5% of
total casualties from sectarian violence in Pakistan.
- The
applicants also refer to information that on 30 March 2024, the bodies of two
youths from Balochistan who were forcibly disappeared
by authorities in August
2023 were found in Karachi.[47] They
also refer to a suicide bomb attack on a vehicle carrying Japanese nationals and
reports that Sipah have threatened to oust
the Shia population from
Pakistan.
- The
applicants refer to a terror attack in Karachi in May 2024 where an armed group
opened fire on a gathering of Shia, the kidnapping
of a Shia in May 2024 whose
elder brother had disappeared in February 2024, and the kidnapping of a Shia
cleric. The applicants also
refer to the prospect of tensions being heighted,
particularly in the provinces bordering Afghanistan (which I note that Sindh
does
not).
- The
applicants also refer to a report from the Pak Institute for Peace Studies
(‘PIPS’), which reports 8 terror attacks in Sindh in 2022 and
15 in Sindh in 2023.[48] They also
refer to reports by PIPS that sectarian violence has "picked up", with incidents
of sectarian violence reported mainly
from Karachi.
- The
applicants refer to information about attacks against Shia increasing during
Muharram.[49] It is submitted that
the applicants would be readily identifiable as Shia by their name and
appearance, generally as well as during
Muharram. The submission as to why the
applicants would be readily identifiable based on their name is undeveloped and
there is no
reference to country information that would support that submission.
The submission that the applicants would generally be readily
identifiable by
their appearance is unsupported by evidence specific to them. That said, I
accept that the applicants may be readily
identifiable during Muharram on
account of their dress.
- In
2021, other than in Punjab, Ashura processions were relatively
peaceful.[50] In recent years,
government security procedures have increased for Ashura commemorations,
resulting in relatively peaceful
processions.[51] Ashura
commemorations in 2023 and 2022 took place peacefully across
Pakistan.[52]
- The
applicants refer to another decision of the
Tribunal[53], where an active and
well-known Shia was harassed and threatened by an extremist militant group,
Lashkar-e Jhangvi ('LeJ'). That applicant was found to personally face a
real chance of persecution involving serious harm from LeJ members or
supporters.
That decision is somewhat different from the applicants in the
present case. There is no credible evidence that they have been specifically
targeted. The attack on AA was an opportunistic attack on a person identifiable
as a Shia.
- I
note that Pakistan is a large country with different challenges in different
locations. Some Shia, such as Hazaras face specific,
heightened, risks. In
general, I find that the country information suggests that different areas of
Pakistan have different risk
profiles associated with them for Shia. The
situation for Shia in Pakistan varies considerably based on both location and
ethnicity.
For example, my assessment of the country information suggests that
Hazara Shia are at a much greater risk of harm than, say, a Punjabi
Shia. The
quantitative data also suggests that the risk to Shia in Balochistan and Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa is much greater than it is
for Shia in Sindh or Punjab.
- The
UK Home Office assess that:[54]
Although there have been sporadic targeted attacks against Shia Muslims,
relative to the size of the Shia population in Pakistan,
they are, in general,
unlikely to be subject to treatment or discrimination by non-state actors that
is sufficiently serious by its
nature or repetition to amount to persecution.
- The
2022 DFAT Report suggests that, following improvement over recent years, the
security situation in Pakistan has deteriorated since
mid-2021 for several
reasons.[55] Following a six-year
downward trend, terrorist attacks increased in
2021.[56] DFAT reports
that:[57]
Most terrorist attacks target civilians or security forces, vehicles and
outposts. Places of worship, schools, and other buildings
have also been
targeted. Attacks usually involve improvised explosive devices (IEDs) or gun
attacks, although rocket, grenade and
suicide bomb attacks also occur. Most
attacks happen in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (especially North Waziristan) and
Balochistan, although
Punjab and Sindh (especially Karachi) are also targeted.
There were no attacks in Islamabad, Gilgit-Baltistan or Azad Kashmir in
2020.
While the large-scale security operations carried out in 2014-17 have mostly
wound down, Pakistan Armed Forces continue to conduct
operations against
terrorist groups who attack its interests and in response to specific threats
and incidents. There has been an
uptick in these operations commensurate with
the recent increase in terrorist attacks. According to PIPS, security forces
carried
out 47 operations or raids in 2020 compared to 28 in 2019. Since 2018,
Pakistan has taken concerted action to address terrorist financing
and money
laundering on the recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).
- Country
information suggests that Pakistani authorities are targeting suspected
terrorists and members of banned
groups.[58]
- Concerning
attacks specifically targeting Shia, other than Hazaras, the recent number
overall is low and has “steadily declined”
since
2013.[59] In the entire country,
there are reports of only five deaths and 14 injured in 2020, compared with 32
deaths in 2019 and 471 deaths
in
2013.[60] DFAT attributes this
reduction to an overall improvement in the security situation in Pakistan, as
well as increased security provided
by the Pakistani police for Shia places of
worship and processions.[61]
- As
to terrorism, CRSS reports in respect of 2022
that:[62]
Terrorist violence touched a new height in 2022. From 850 fatalities in 2021,
the figure jumped to 980 in 2022 – indicating
an over 15 percent rise in
violence from as many as 512 terrorist incidents and counter-terror operations.
The highest rise in violence
was recorded in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), where
fatalities went up from 399 in 2021 to 633 this year – a nearly 59% rise.
Balochistan
recorded a marginal increase of 1% in violence but it could not
bring any relief to the region as it had the second-highest number
of fatalities
in the country. All other regions witnessed a drop in violence with Punjab,
the largest province of the country, recorded a 61% drop in violence,
followed
by Sindh 50% down, and Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT) registered an 11%
decline, while Gilgit Baltistan (GB) had no incident of violence this year.
(emphasis added)
- CRSS
further reports that in 2022, Sindh experienced 47 fatalities from terrorism and
counter-terrorism activities. Within the Sindh
region, most of the fatalities
were in Karachi.
- In
terms of sectarian violence, in 2022, CRSS reports that there were two
attacks against Shia resulting in 253 total casualties, which included 69
fatalities.[63] One of those attacks
was in Sindh and resulted in a single fatality. The balance of the casualties,
including the 68 fatalities,
were caused in a single attack in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa.[64]
- The
2022 CRSS report concludes by
observing:[65]
In 2023, Pakistan is likely to endure more violence. The pattern over the last
decade suggests that the security forces including
the army and police as well
as KP and Balochistan provinces will remain under terrorist violence. Also,
these challenges are likely
to persist as long as terrorist outfits enjoy safety
in Afghanistan.
- The
Center for Research and Security Studies (‘CRSS’) reported in
December 2023 that in 2023, Pakistan suffered 1524 violence-related fatalities
and 1463 injuries from up to 789
terror attacks and counter-terror
operations.[66] That figure included
nearly 1000 fatalities among civilians and security
personnel.[67] Throughout the whole
of Pakistan, attacks directed at places of worship resulted in the fatalities of
105 civilians. Sunni Muslims
had the highest number of fatalities, followed by
Shia.[68]
- CRSS
reported that in respect of
2023:[69]
The overall fatalities recorded this year – including those of outlaws -
mark a record 6-year high, exceeding the 2018 level
and highest since 2017.
- The
report observes that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the southwestern Balochistan
provinces – both bordering Afghanistan, accounted
for over 90% of all
fatalities and 84% of attacks during this
period.[70] Civilians represented
around 31% of fatalities, the balance being made up of security officials and
'outlaws'.[71] It reported that the
Punjab and Sindh regions were “relatively peaceful”, suffering only
8% of all fatalities in 2023.
- Similarly,
PIPS reports that during 2023 around 93% of the total recorded terrorist attacks
in Pakistan took place in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
and Balochistan
provinces.[72]
- CRSS
reported that in 2023, the southern Sindh province recorded the third-highest
number of casualties (73 fatalities and 87 injuries),
before observing
that:[73]
The data indicates that Punjab and Sindh were relatively peaceful as together,
both these provinces suffered only 8% of all fatalities.
- The
Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies ('PICCS') has
reported that in Punjab in 2023, two civilians were killed and eight civilians
were injured in militant
attacks.[74] In 2023, throughout the
whole of Pakistan, 3 incidents involved non-Hazara Shia.
- The
number of Shia Muslim casualties varies according to different sources and did
not always distinguish between non-Hazara and Hazara
Shia. The combination of
data regarding harm to, for example, Hazara and non-Hazara Shia can result in
the prospect of general harm
to each group becoming distorted. Indeed, as the UK
Home Office observed:
The USSD IRF Report of 2020 noted that ‘Data on sectarian attacks varied
because no standardized definition existed of what
constituted a sectarian
attack among reporting organisations... There were multiple reports of targeted
killings of Shia Muslims
in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, although because religion and
ethnicity were often closely related, it was difficult to categorize some
incidents
as being solely based on religious identity.
Militant and extremist groups
- The
TTP has been reported to be active in the Punjab, although it primarily operates
in the areas bordering Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and
in southern Punjab near
southwestern Balochistan
province.[75] DFAT reports that the
TTP continued to assassinate political and religious leaders and to target
religious minorities, including
Shia.[76] It also reports
that:[77]
Various anti-Shia sectarian groups operate in Pakistan, among them
Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ), a radical Sunni militant group that follows
the
Deobandi school of Islam. LeJ seeks to eradicate Shia influence from Pakistan.
The group has carried out numerous deadly attacks
on Shia communities (including
targeted attacks against Hazaras), places of worship and leaders, as well as
against other religious
minorities including Christians, Hindus and Ahmadis. The
LeJ is closely aligned with Al Qaeda and shares Al Qaeda’s goal of
driving
Western influence from the region. It is primarily active in Punjab province,
the former FATA, Karachi and Balochistan.
- Islamic
State (‘IS’) and Al Qaeda both have a presence in
Pakistan.[78] It reports that IS and
Al Qaeda have targeted Pakistani military and government representatives and
religious and ethnic minorities
and also carried out anti-Western
attacks.[79] Al Qaeda has often
collaborated with the TTP to carry out attacks; although its capability in
Pakistan has been reduced, it is still
active.[80]
- The
CRSS reports that in 2023, the TTP claimed responsibility for 49 attacks and two
more attacks as its joint venture with Lashkar-e-Islam,
setting a new trend in
its operation. The recently emerged militant group Tehreek-e-Jihad Pakistan
(‘TJP’) ranked second, claiming responsibility for six
attacks as its crime, while two more attacks it claimed along with Daish and
BLA. The Islamic State also asserted involvement in five attacks, while Ansar
al-Jihad, another recently emerged militant outfit,
claimed responsibility for
one attack.[81]
- The
US State Department noted in 2020 that Shia Muslim activists reported continuing
instances of targeted killings and enforced disappearances
in limited parts of
the country.[82] DFAT reports that
militant groups commit kidnappings and enforced
disappearances.[83] The UK Home
Office reports that:[84]
Whilst there are reports of ‘enforced disappearances’ by Pakistan
security services of Shia men suspected of being recruited
by Iran to fight
against the Islamic State in Syria, there is no generalised risk of enforced
disappearances facing all Shia men.
In 2018, there were estimated to be between
140 and 300 disappeared Shias. At least 34 recorded cases had been missing for 2
or more
years. Sources indicated that disappearances continue to occur. Numerous
protests have taken place demanding the recovery of missing
persons but with
limited results
Blasphemy
- The
applicants refer to the prospect of harm (from both the state and vigilante
groups) arising from blasphemy allegations. The applicants
referred to a report
from the UK Home Office from July 2021 which reports
that:[85]
Section 295 of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC) prescribes the blasphemy laws.
Section 295c notes that: ‘Whoever by words, either
spoken or written, or
by visible representation or by any imputation, innuendo, or insinuation,
directly or indirectly, defiles the
sacred name of the Holy Prophet Muhammad
(peace be upon him) shall be punished with death, or imprisonment for life, and
shall also
be liable to fine.
- I
note that tensions between Sunni and Shia often flares during Muharram. In 2020,
over 40 Shia were charged with blasphemy following
Muharram, including clerics
accused of insulting the Companions of the Prophet during ritual processions
with targeted killings of
Shia in multiple
cities.[86] DFAT reports that
“[a]uthorities have attempted to curb sectarian hatred during Muharram,
for instance by banning firebrand
Sunni and Shia clerics from leaving home and
by cutting off mobile phone services in major cities during
processions.”
- Seventy
percent of blasphemy accusations, which carry the death penalty, are against
Shia.[87] I observe that the CRSS
reports[88] that between 1947 and
2021, 89 people have been extrajudicially killed from roughly 1,500 accusations
and cases. However, the actual
number is believed to be higher because not all
blasphemy cases get reported in the press. Allegations are high in the Punjab
province,
with around 70% of accusations originating from Punjab. Between 1947
and 2021, out of 1098 accused, 70 were killed in Punjab. About
70% of
accusations concerning males are related to Muslims. With males, 600 accusations
were made about Sunnis, resulting in 39 deaths,
and 309 accusations were made
about Shia, resulting in two deaths.
- In
January 2023, the Criminal Laws (Amendment) Act 2023 was passed in the
National Assembly. It was, however, rejected in the Senate in February
2024.[89] There is still, however,
some prospect that the legislation may be passed in the future which I account
for.
- I
observe that the SATP reported that in addition to three incidents of blasphemy
reported in 2022, resulting in three deaths, 2023
recorded two blasphemy-related
incidents, resulting in two
deaths.[90]
- The
TLP is particularly involved in allegations of blasphemy. The TLP is an
influential Sunni extremist political party primarily
directed towards targeting
blasphemers, particularly Shia and
Ahmadis.[91] In April 2021, the
government banned the TLP and arrested its leader, later reversing the ban and
releasing him.[92]
- In
an assessment published in January 2024 by the Immigration and Refugee Board of
Canada, it was reported that[93]
over 70 percent of blasphemy cases are against Shia, blasphemy cases are
increasingly used to target Shia and Shia in Pakistan feel
increasingly
beleaguered and in danger as a result. The publication notes that whilst death
sentences for blasphemy violations are
seldom carried out and convictions are
often overturned on appeal, a blasphemy accusation can stigmatise the alleged
culprit and
lead to vigilante killings before cases even
conclude.[94]
- DFAT
reports that:[95]
Shia face rising religious intolerance and official discrimination in the form
of blasphemy accusations. Over 70 per cent of blasphemy
cases are against Shia.
Anti-Shia sentiment is seen in politics: in July 2020, the Punjab Provincial
Assembly passed a law to ‘protect
the foundation of Islam’ which
would criminalise Shia beliefs about the Companions of the Prophet (the Governor
returned it
for revision).
- DFAT
Reports that “most blasphemy convictions” are overturned but that
the accused was “likely” to be jailed
for “years” before
the case was determined to be “baseless”. DFAT also reports that
individuals who have
been accused of blasphemy are “at risk of
extrajudicial killing, before, during and after being taken into custody.
Quantitatively,
CRSS indicates that in 2020, 23 people were accused of blasphemy
or killed because of alleged blasphemy in 2020 in
Sindh.[96] In 2021, there were 6
such allegations in
Sindh.[97]
Returnee from the West
- Pakistan
has one of the world’s largest diasporas, including about a million people
living in Western countries who regularly
return.[98] DFAT reports
that:[99]
Returnees tend to leave Pakistan on valid travel documents and therefore do not
commit immigration offences under Pakistani law.
Those who return voluntarily
and with valid travel documentation are typically processed like any other
citizen returning to Pakistan.
The government issues ‘genuine’
returnees with temporary documents when they arrive. A genuine returnee is
someone who
legally exited Pakistan irrespective of how they entered destination
countries. Those who are returned involuntarily or who travel
on emergency
travel documents are likely to attract attention from the authorities upon
arrival. Immigration officials will interview
failed returnees and release them
if their exit was deemed to be legal but may detain those deemed to have
departed illegally.
- I
note that there is no suggestion that the applicants departed Pakistan
illegally. Otherwise, I note that returnees to Pakistan do
not face a
significant risk of societal violence or discrimination purely as a result of
their attempt to migrate or purely because
they have lived in a Western
country.[100]
Do the applicants, or any of them, satisfy the refugee
criterion for protection?
- The
2008 incidents occurred around 16 years ago. There is no credible or persuasive
evidence of any enmity against SA or her family
arising out of those events. Had
such enmity existed, I consider that there would have been attacks, or at least
threats, against
the remaining family members. The 2015 events were incidents of
general sectarian threats. Even that was nearly a decade ago. I am
not satisfied
that there is a real chance that such an occurrence will recur.
- I
have carefully considered the above country information, including the country
information referred to in the applicants' submissions.
In the circumstances, I
am not satisfied that the applicant's face a real chance of serious harm. Having
regard to the population
of Karachi and quantitative data about both sectarian
attacks and terror attacks in Karachi generally, or directed towards the Shia
community generally, I am satisfied that the chance of the applicants, or any of
them, experiencing serious harm is low. That conclusion
does not change even if,
as I find she likely would, SA were to resume her role in the Imambargah that
her grandmother used to [belong
to].
- I
am also not satisfied, having regard to the above country information, that the
applicants face a real chance of serious harm from
extremist or militant groups
such as the TTP, LeJ, Sipah or ASWJ.
- I
am not satisfied that the applicants face a real
chance of being accused of blasphemy or that if they were accused of blasphemy,
there
would be a real chance of serious harm.
- I
am not satisfied that the applicants would not receive protection in Pakistan.
The country information suggests that Pakistan regularly
protects the Shi'a
population, particularly around Muharram. I add that in 2022, Sindh introduced a
Special Protection Force for
Minorities, with a mandate to protect religious
minorities across the province, recruiting 1200 police
officers.[101]
- I
am not satisfied that the applicants, or any of them, will face a real chance of
serious harm because they are Westernised, are
perceived to be Westernised, or have lived in a
Western country. There is no suggestion that the applicants do not speak the
local
language.
- Considering
the overall population in Karachi and the frequency of attacks and incidents of
harm, I am not satisfied that the applicants,
or any of them, face a real chance
of serious harm for any reason.
- I
am not satisfied that the applicants face a real chance of serious harm from the
TTP or any other militant groups, including those
related to the Taliban in
Afghanistan.
- I
have not overlooked the effect of SA's mental health on my assessment of whether
the applicants face a real chance of serious harm.
Section 36(2)(a) is not
directed to whether a person suffers from an illness. Such an illness would not,
without more, involve systematic
and discriminatory conduct. A claim that an
application would suffer depression on return does not satisfy the refugee
criterion
in s 36(2)(a).[102]
- I
have considered whether SA's mental health impacts my assessment of whether she
faces a real chance of serious harm. I am not so
satisfied. Whilst SA will no
doubt face heightened levels of anxiety and her mental health condition may
worsen, that would not result
from the act of any person but would arise from
the fact of her return to Pakistan. There is no suggestion that the applicant
would
be unable to obtain the medication that she presently takes to manage her
symptoms or that her symptoms will escalate such that she
will face a real
chance of serious harm on account of her symptoms. I am further not satisfied
that those symptoms would increase
chance of serious harm because of her Shia
faith whether from sectarian violence or extremist or militant groups or for any
other
reason.
- The
claim that AA would face a real chance of serious harm because of his travel to
[Country 1] is not pressed.
- To
avoid doubt I have also considered the applicants claims cumulatively. Having
done so, I am still not satisfied that the applicants,
or any of them, face a
real chance of serious harm. Whilst the applicants' safety cannot be guaranteed
and they do face a risk of
serious harm, I am satisfied that the risk faced by
them is remote and, as such, is tolerable for the purposes of s 36(2)(a) of the
Act when assessing the applicants against the refugee criterion for
protection.
- For
the above reasons, I am not satisfied that the applicants have a well-founded
fear of persecution within the meaning of s 5J(1)
of the Act. In those
circumstances, it is not necessary for me to determine whether s 5J(2) or (3)
apply to the applicant.[103]
- I
am not satisfied that the applicant is a refugee within the meaning of s 5H(1)
of the Act. On that basis, the applicants do not satisfy the refugee
criterion in s 36(2)(a) of the Act.
Do the applicants, or any of them, satisfy the complementary
protection criterion?
- To
be entitled to complementary protection, there must be substantial grounds for
believing that, as a necessary and foreseeable consequence
of the applicant
being removed from Australia to Pakistan, there is a real risk that they will
suffer significant harm.[104]
- The
‘real risk’ test imposes the same standard as the ‘real
chance’ test applicable to the assessment of ‘well-founded
fear’.[105] To the extent
that the factual bases for claims under s 36(2)(a) and s 36(2)(aa) overlap, a
decision-maker, when considering the
complementary protection criterion under s
36(2)(aa), is entitled to refer to and rely on any relevant findings the
decision-maker
made when considering the refugee criterion under s
36(2)(a).[106]
- I
have already found that the applicant does not face a real chance of serious
harm. On that basis, I find that there are not substantial grounds for
believing that, as a necessary and foreseeable consequence of the applicant
being removed from Australia
to Pakistan, there is a real risk that they will
suffer significant harm.
- Nor
does significant harm include self-harm or harm the applicant suffers arising
from mental illness where such harm arises because
of the applicant’s
removal to their home country and not because of harm intentionally inflicted on
an applicant by
‘others’.[107] I am
not satisfied that there are substantial grounds for believing that, as a
necessary and foreseeable consequence of SA being
removed from Australia to
Pakistan that there is a real risk any person will seek to intentionally inflict
mental harm on her.
- Whilst
I accept that the applicants do not wish to return to Pakistan, I conclude that
there are not substantial grounds for believing
that, as a necessary and
foreseeable consequence of their removal from Australia to Pakistan, there is a
real risk that they will
suffer significant harm. The applicant is not a person
in respect of whom Australia has protection obligations under s 36(2)(aa)
of the
Act.
- For
the above reasons, I do not accept that the applicant is owed complementary
protection or otherwise meets the complementary protection
criterion in s
36(2)(aa) of the Act.
- As
observed by Allsop CJ and Mortimer J (as her Honour then was) in GLD18 v
Minister for Home
Affairs:[108]
The complementary protection criterion is not intended to be used to address the
many and varied circumstances in which – in
the framework of ordinary
human experience – it may seem to be unfair, immoral, deeply upsetting or
disturbing for a person
to be removed from Australia against her or his
will. That is the purpose, under the present statutory scheme, of the
Minister’s
personal discretions in ss 351 and 417 of the Migration Act.
A further reason why KAM's claims fail
- As
I have already observed, on [date] 2024, KAM was recognised as an Australian
citizen. The criteria for granting a protection visa
require that an applicant
be a non-citizen, among other things. KAM is an Australian citizen, and, for
that reason, his claim to
satisfy the criteria for the grant of a protection
visa must fail.
Ministerial Intervention
- The
applicants have sought that I refer this matter for consideration of the
Minister under 417 of the Act. The Minister has published
guidelines concerning
matters which should be brought to the Minister's attention. Two identified
circumstances the guidelines indicate
that it would be appropriate to bring
cases to the attention of the Minister are:
(a) strong compassionate circumstances that if not
recognised would result in serious, ongoing and irreversible harm and continuing
hardship to an Australian citizen or an Australian family unit, where at least
one member of the family is an Australian citizen
or Australian permanent
resident; and
(b) compassionate circumstances regarding age and/or health and/or psychological
state, that if not recognised would result in serious,
ongoing and irreversible
harm and continuing hardship.
- KAM
is an Australian citizen. KAM has recently turned 10-years-old. As an Australian
Citizen KAM has, among other things, a right
to live in Australia. He has a
right to live "in a peaceful country with a stable system of
government".[109]
- Australia
has signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (the
'Convention').[110] It has,
among other things, enacted legislation to give effect to that
convention.[111]
- Article
7 of the Convention provides that a child shall, as far as possible, have the
right to know and be cared for by their parents.
It is trite to observe that it
is well recognised that the separation of a child, from either or both of their
parents, can have
significant, life-altering, impact on a child.
- The
decision to refuse the applicant a protection visa is affirmed. That decision
has been made not because the applicants do not
face a real chance of serious
harm, but because the chance of serious harm is properly considered to be
remote. Subject to successfully
obtaining another visa or a successful outcome
under s 417 of the Act, SA, AA, JAM, and DZM will become unlawful non-citizens
and
be liable for removal from Australia. KAM cannot be involuntarily removed
from Australia.
- In
the short-to-medium term, KAM faces the prospect of either being deprived of his
right to live in Australia or his right to remain
with his family. SA and AA, as
KAM's parents, face a choice: Abandon him here in Australia, where he will be
safe, or take him back
to Pakistan, where he faces a chance, although remote, of
serious harm. That is a position that no parent or person should ever be
forced
to make.
- Of
course, the harm caused by the potential separation of KAM and his family is not
limited to him. It will no doubt also cause emotional
harm and distress to SA,
AA, JAM and DZM. SA already has a complex, albeit stable, mental health
condition. That will be undermined
if she is forced to make the decision I
referred to above. These observations will apply, with equal force, to DZM in
less than 4
years.
- It
is, with respect, difficult to imagine more serious, ongoing and irreversible
harm and continuing hardship to a 10-year-old child
than being separated from
their family.
- In
the circumstances, I will refer these applications to the Minister to consider
exercising the power in s 417 of the Act.
CONCLUSION
- The
applicants are not persons in respect of whom Australia has protection
obligations under the refugee criterion in s 36(2)(a).
- I
have also considered the alternative criterion in s 36(2)(aa). I find that
the applicants are not persons in respect of whom Australia
has protection
obligations under s 36(2)(aa).
- Other
than each other, there is no suggestion that the applicants satisfy s 36(2)
by being a member of the same family unit as a person
who satisfies
s 36(2)(a) or (aa) and who holds a protection visa. The applicants
therefore do not satisfy s 36(2) criterion.
DECISION
- In
respect of case 2215120, the Tribunal affirms the decision not to grant the
applicants a protection visa.
- In
respect of case 2215114, the Tribunal affirms the decision not to grant the
applicant a protection visa.
- In
respect of both cases, the Tribunal refers them for
Ministerial intervention under s 417 of the
Act.
Fraser Robertson
Member
ATTACHMENT – EXTRACT FROM MIGRATION ACT
1958
5 (1) Interpretation
...
cruel or inhuman treatment or punishment means an act or
omission by which:
(a) severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally
inflicted on a person; or
(b) pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on
a person so long as, in all the circumstances, the
act or omission could
reasonably be regarded as cruel or inhuman in nature;
but does not include an act or omission:
(c) that is not inconsistent with Article 7 of the Covenant; or
(d) arising only from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions that are
not inconsistent with the Articles of the Covenant.
...
degrading treatment or punishment means an act or omission that
causes, and is intended to cause, extreme humiliation which is unreasonable, but
does not include an
act or omission:
(a) that is not inconsistent with Article 7 of the Covenant; or
(b) that causes, and is intended to cause, extreme humiliation arising only
from, inherent in or incidental to, lawful sanctions
that are not inconsistent
with the Articles of the Covenant.
...
torture means an act or omission by which severe pain or
suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a
person:
(a) for the purpose of obtaining from the person or from a third person
information or a confession; or
(b) for the purpose of punishing the person for an act which that person or a
third person has committed or is suspected of having
committed; or
(c) for the purpose of intimidating or coercing the person or a third person;
or
(d) for a purpose related to a purpose mentioned in paragraph (a), (b) or (c);
or
(e) for any reason based on discrimination that is inconsistent with the
Articles of the Covenant;
but does not include an act or omission arising only from, inherent in or
incidental to, lawful sanctions that are not inconsistent
with the Articles of
the Covenant.
...
receiving country, in relation to a non-citizen, means:
(a) a country of which the non-citizen is a national, to be determined solely by
reference to the law of the relevant country; or
(b) if the non-citizen has no country of nationality—a country of his or
her former habitual residence, regardless of whether
it would be possible to
return the non-citizen to the country.
...
5H Meaning of refugee
(1) For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a
particular person in Australia, the person is a refugee if the
person is:
(a) in a case where the person has a nationality – is outside the country
of his or her nationality and, owing to a well-founded
fear of persecution, is
unable or unwilling to avail himself or herself of the protection of that
country; or
(b) in a case where the person does not have a nationality – is outside
the country of his or her former habitual residence
and owing to a well-founded
fear of persecution, is unable or unwilling to return to it.
Note: For the meaning of well-founded fear of persecution, see
section 5J.
...
5J Meaning of well-founded fear of persecution
(1) For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a
particular person, the person has a well-founded fear of
persecution if:
(a) the person fears being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular social group or political
opinion;
and
(b) there is a real chance that, if the person returned to the receiving
country, the person would be persecuted for one or more
of the reasons mentioned
in paragraph (a); and
(c) the real chance of persecution relates to all areas of a receiving country.
Note: For membership of a particular social group, see sections 5K and
5L.
(2) A person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution
if effective protection measures are available to the person in a receiving
country.
Note: For effective protection measures, see section 5LA.
(3) A person does not have a well-founded fear of persecution
if the person could take reasonable steps to modify his or her behaviour so as
to avoid a real chance of persecution in a receiving
country, other than a
modification that would:
(a) conflict with a characteristic that is fundamental to the person’s
identity or conscience; or
(b) conceal an innate or immutable characteristic of the person; or
(c) without limiting paragraph (a) or (b), require the person to do any of the
following:
(i) alter his or her religious beliefs, including by renouncing a religious
conversion, or conceal his or her true religious beliefs,
or cease to be
involved in the practice of his or her faith;
(ii) conceal his or her true race, ethnicity, nationality or country of
origin;
(iii) alter his or her political beliefs or conceal his or her true political
beliefs;
(iv) conceal a physical, psychological or intellectual disability;
(v) enter into or remain in a marriage to which that person is opposed, or
accept the forced marriage of a child;
(vi) alter his or her sexual orientation or gender identity or conceal his or
her true sexual orientation, gender identity or intersex
status.
(4) If a person fears persecution for one or more of the reasons mentioned in
paragraph (1)(a):
(a) that reason must be the essential and significant reason, or those reasons
must be the essential and significant reasons, for
the persecution; and
(b) the persecution must involve serious harm to the person; and
(c) the persecution must involve systematic and discriminatory conduct.
(5) Without limiting what is serious harm for the purposes of
paragraph (4)(b), the following are instances of serious harm
for the purposes of that paragraph:
(a) a threat to the person’s life or liberty;
(b) significant physical harassment of the person;
(c) significant physical ill‑treatment of the person;
(d) significant economic hardship that threatens the person’s capacity to
subsist;
(e) denial of access to basic services, where the denial threatens the
person’s capacity to subsist;
(f) denial of capacity to earn a livelihood of any kind, where the denial
threatens the person’s capacity to subsist.
(6) In determining whether the person has a well‑founded fear of
persecution for one or more of the reasons mentioned in
paragraph (1)(a), any conduct engaged in by the person in Australia is to
be disregarded
unless the person satisfies the Minister that the person engaged
in the conduct otherwise than for the purpose of strengthening the
person’s claim to be a refugee.
5K Membership of a particular social group consisting of family
For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a
particular person (the first person), in determining whether the
first person has a well‑founded fear of persecution for the reason of
membership of a particular
social group that consists of the first
person’s family:
(a) disregard any fear of persecution, or any persecution, that any other member
or former member (whether alive or dead) of the
family has ever experienced,
where the reason for the fear or persecution is not a reason mentioned in
paragraph 5J(1)(a); and
(b) disregard any fear of persecution, or any persecution, that:
(i) the first person has ever experienced; or
(ii) any other member or former member (whether alive or dead) of the family has
ever experienced;
where it is reasonable to conclude that the fear or persecution would not
exist if it were assumed that the fear or persecution mentioned
in
paragraph (a) had never existed.
Note: Section 5G may be relevant for determining family relationships
for the purposes of this section.
5L Membership of a particular social group other than family
For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a
particular person, the person is to be treated as a member
of a particular
social group (other than the person’s family) if:
(a) a characteristic is shared by each member of the group; and
(b) the person shares, or is perceived as sharing, the characteristic; and
(c) any of the following apply:
(i) the characteristic is an innate or immutable characteristic;
(ii) the characteristic is so fundamental to a member’s identity or
conscience, the member should not be forced to renounce
it;
(iii) the characteristic distinguishes the group from society; and
(d) the characteristic is not a fear of persecution.
5LA Effective protection measures
(1) For the purposes of the application of this Act and the regulations to a
particular person, effective protection measures are
available to the person in
a receiving country if:
(a) protection against persecution could be provided to the person by:
(i) the relevant State; or
(ii) a party or organisation, including an international organisation, that
controls the relevant State or a substantial part of
the territory of the
relevant State; and
(b) the relevant State, party or organisation mentioned in paragraph (a) is
willing and able to offer such protection.
(2) A relevant State, party or organisation mentioned in
paragraph (1)(a) is taken to be able to offer protection against
persecution
to a person if:
(a) the person can access the protection; and
(b) the protection is durable; and
(c) in the case of protection provided by the relevant State—the
protection consists of an appropriate criminal law, a reasonably
effective
police force and an impartial judicial system.
...
36 Protection visas – criteria provided for by this Act
...
(2) A criterion for a protection visa is that the applicant for the visa
is:
(a) a non-citizen in Australia in respect of whom the Minister is satisfied
Australia has protection obligations because the person
is a refugee; or
(aa) a non-citizen in Australia (other than a non-citizen mentioned in paragraph
(a)) in respect of whom the Minister is satisfied
Australia has protection
obligations because the Minister has substantial grounds for believing that, as
a necessary and foreseeable
consequence of the non-citizen being removed from
Australia to a receiving country, there is a real risk that the non-citizen will
suffer significant harm; or
(b) a non-citizen in Australia who is a member of the same family unit as a
non-citizen who:
(i) is mentioned in paragraph (a); and
(ii) holds a protection visa of the same class as that applied for by the
applicant; or
(c) a non-citizen in Australia who is a member of the same family unit as a
non-citizen who:
(i) is mentioned in paragraph (aa); and
(ii) holds a protection visa of the same class as that applied for by the
applicant.
(2A) A non‑citizen will suffer significant harm if:
(a) the non‑citizen will be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life; or
(b) the death penalty will be carried out on the non‑citizen; or
(c) the non‑citizen will be subjected to torture; or
(d) the non‑citizen will be subjected to cruel or inhuman treatment or
punishment; or
(e) the non‑citizen will be subjected to degrading treatment or
punishment.
(2B) However, there is taken not to be a real risk that a non‑citizen
will suffer significant harm in a country if the Minister
is satisfied that:
(a) it would be reasonable for the non‑citizen to relocate to an area of
the country where there would not be a real risk that
the non‑citizen will
suffer significant harm; or
(b) the non‑citizen could obtain, from an authority of the country,
protection such that there would not be a real risk that
the non‑citizen
will suffer significant harm; or
(c) the real risk is one faced by the population of the country generally and is
not faced by the non‑citizen personally
- [1] CJZ21
v Minister for Immigration, Citizenship, Migrant Services and Multicultural
Affairs [2022] FedCFamC2G 747.
- [2] SZFYW
v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship [2008] FCA 1259 at [9]; SZHKA
v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship [2008] FCAFC 138; (2008) 172 FCR 1 at [18].
- [3] See
Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act 1975 (Cth), s 19D(4). See also
SZEPZ v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [2006] FCAFC
107; 159 FCR 291 at [39] and Minister for Immigration and Citizenship v
SZGUR [2011] HCA 1; 241 CLR 594 at [50]; MZXSP v Minister for Immigration
and Citizenship [2008] FMCA 374 at [42]; MZABH v Minister for Immigration
and Border Protection [2015] FCCA 1111 at [24].
- [4] I
note, in this regard, that the submissions relied upon do not deal with a link
between the 2008 incidents and the 2015 incidents,
but rather only deal with
whether there is a link between each of the incidents in 2008.
- [5] See
written submissions dated 27 June 2024, Part B.
- [6]Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), s 5H(1)(a).
- [7]Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), s 5J(1); DQU16 v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[10]
(Kiefel CJ, Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward
JJ).
- [8]Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), s 5J(4)(b). Section 5J(5) of the Act sets out non-exhaustive
examples of serious harm.
- [9]Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), s 5J(4)(c).
- [10] Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), ss 5J(1)(b)-(c); DQU16 v Minister for Home
Affairs [
2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[10]
(Kiefel CJ, Keane, Gordon, Edelman
and Steward JJ).
- [11] DQU16
v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[10]
(Kiefel CJ,
Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward JJ) citing Chan v Minister for Immigration
and Ethnic Affairs (1989) 169 CLR 379 at 389, 398, 407, 429.
- [12] DQU16
v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[13]
(Kiefel CJ,
Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward JJ).
- [13] DQU16
v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[14]
(Kiefel CJ,
Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward JJ).
- [14] See
Migration Act 1958 (Cth), s 499 together with Ministerial Direction No.84
made under that section.
- [15] 'DFAT
Country Report: Pakistan', Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 25 January
2022, 20220125094359 ('2022 DFAT Report').
- [16] AVQ15
v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133; 361 ALR
227, [43] (Kenny, Griffiths and Mortimer JJ); EIG17 v Minister for
Immigration, Citizenship and Multicultural Affairs [2023] FedCFamC2G 804 at
[148] (Ladhams J).
- [17] SZLVZ
v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship [2008] FCA 1816 (Middleton J).
- [18] CQG15
v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2016] FCAFC 146; 253 FCR
496 at [65] (McKerracher, Griffiths and Rangiah JJ); Selvadurai v Minister of
Immigration and Ethnic Affairs and J Good (Member of the Refugee Review
Tribunal) [1994] FCA 301; 34 ALR 347 at [7] (Heerey J).
- [19] See
written submission dated 27 June 2024
- [20] See
Fox v Percy [2003] HCA 22; 214 CLR 118 at [31] citing with approval the
reasons of Samuels JA in Trawl Industries v Effem Foods Pty Ltd (1992) 27
NSWLR 326 at 348 and the material there cited.
- [21] See
AVQ15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCAFC 133;
361 ALR 227 at [22]–[28] (Kenny, Griffiths and Mortimer JJ); see
also, Sundararaj v Minister for Immigration and Multicultural
Affairs [1999] FCA 76 at [5] (Burchett J), W375/01A v Minister
for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs [2002] FCAFC 89; 67 ALD 757
at [15]–[19] (Lee, Carr and Finkelstein JJ); ASB17 v Minister
for Home Affairs [2019] FCAFC 38; 268 FCR 271 at [39]–[45]
(Griffiths, Mortimer and Steward JJ).
- [22] ASB17
v Minister for Home Affairs [2019] FCAFC 38; (2019) 268 FCR 271
at [39]–[45] (Griffiths, Mortimer and Steward JJ).
- [23] Randhawa
v Minister for Immigration, Local Government and Ethnic Affairs [1994] FCA 1253; (1994)
52 FCR 437; see also Department of Home Affairs, ‘Policy – Refugee
and Humanitarian – The Protection Visa Processing Guidelines’,
section 15.6, as re-issued 1 January 2023 (Protection Visa Processing
Guidelines); UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Handbook on Procedures
and Criteria for Determining Refugee Status and Guidelines on International
Protection Under the 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol
Relating to the
Status of Refugees, April 2019, HCR/1P/4/ENG/REV 4 at [203]–[204].
- [24] See
written submissions, 5 May 2021, p 2.
- [25] See
written submissions, 5 May 2021, p 2.
- [26] See
written submissions, 5 May 2021, p 4.
- [27] See
written submissions, 27 June 2024, p 4.
- [28] See
Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2023 Census Results,
<https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population/2023/Pakistan.pdf>
- [29] Pakistan
Department of Statistics, 2023 Census Results,
<https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population/2023/Sindh.pdf>.
- [30] Pakistan
Department of Statistics, 2023 Census Results,
<https://www.pbs.gov.pk/sites/default/files/population/2023/Sindh.pdf>.
- [31] CISEDB50AD5088,
“EASO Country of Origin Information report Pakistan Security
Situation”, European Asylum Support Office
(EASO), 07 August 2017 p 19;
‘United States Commission on International Religious Freedom Annual Report
2018’, US Commission
on International Religious Freedom, 25 April 2018, p.
66, CIS7B83941863.
- [32] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.55].
- [33] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.56].
- [34] 2022
DFAT Report, [5.40].
- [35] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.57].
- [36] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.57].
- [37] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note – Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home
Office, 13 July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.5.3].
- [38] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note – Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home
Office, 13 July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.6.3].
- [39] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note – Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home
Office, 13 July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.5.3].
- [40] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note – Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home
Office, 13 July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.4.7].
- [41] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.61].
- [42] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.61].
- [43] Written
submissions, 27 June 2024, pp 6-12.
- [44]
<http://www.dawn.com/>
- [45] See
'Death toll from attack on Shia mosque in Peshawar rises to 62', 5 March 2022,
Dawn, <https://www.dawn.com/news/1678412>
- [46] Written
submissions, p 12.
- [47] Written
submissions, 27 June 2024, p 14.
- [48] Written
submissions, 27 June 2024, p 18-19.
- [49] Written
submissions, 27 June 2024, p 20-23; 24.
- [50] ‘Strict
security measures for Ashura’, Imran Asghar, Express Tribune
(Pakistan), 18 August 2021, 20211122113544.
- [51] ‘Security
plan for Karachi’s Ashura processions finalised’, Imtiaz Ali,
Dawn (Pakistan), 6 August 2022, 20220808112805.
- [52] ‘Ashura
observed peacefully’, Dawn (Pakistan), 31 July 2023, 20230802100920;
‘Security
plan for Karachi's Ashura processions finalised’, Imtiaz Ali, Dawn
(Pakistan), 6 August 2022, 20220808112805;
‘9th Muharram procession concludes peacefully in federal
capital’, Associated Press of Pakistan, 7 August 2022,
20220809085919.
- [53] 1805756
(Refugee) AATA 870 (24 January 2024).
- [54] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note - Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home Office, 13
July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.4.13].
- [55] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.34].
- [56] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.34].
- [57] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.36]–[2.37].
- [58] ‘Daesh
commanders among 13 terrorists arrested in Punjab’, Jahangir Akram Khan,
Samaa, 20 August 2023, 20230821104105.
- [59] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.60].
- [60] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.60].
- [61] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.60].
- [62] ‘Re-Emergence
of Proxy Terrorist Annual Security Report, Pakistan, 2022, Center for Research
and Security Studies, ('2022 CRSS Report'),
<https://crss.pk/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/Annual-Security-Report-2022.pdf>
p 4.
- [63] 2022
CRSS Report, p 40.
- [64] 2022
CRSS Report, p 41.
- [65] 2022
CRSS Report, p 45.
- [66] ‘Pakistan’s
violence-related fatalities mark a record 6-year high, 56% surge in violence
recorded in 2023: CRSS Annual
Security Report’, Center for Research and
Security Studies, 31 December 2023, 20240104150739 (‘2023 CRSS
Report’),
<https://crss.pk/pakistans-violence-related-fatalities-mark-a-record-6-year-high-56-surge-in-violence-recorded-in-2023-crss-annual-security-report/>.
- [67] 2023
CRSS Report.
- [68] 2023
CRSS Report.
- [69] 2023
CRSS Report, p 3.
- [70] 2023
CRSS Report, p 4.
- [71] 2023
CRSS Report, p 12.
- [72] The
2023 Pak Institute for Peace Studies (‘PIPS’) Pakistan
Security Report 2023 (‘2023 PIPS Report’).
- [73] 2023
CRSS report, [17].
- [74] Pakistan
Institute for Conflict and Security Studies,
<https://www.picss.net/featured/2023-ends-with-70-increase-in-militant-attacks-81-rise-in-deaths-picss-report/>.
- [75] ‘COI
Focus - Pakistan: Security situation’, Office of the Commission General
for Refugees and Stateless Persons (Belgium),
28 February 2023,
20230628143902.
- [76] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.40].
- [77] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.41].
- [78] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.42].
- [79] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.42].
- [80] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.42].
- [81] ‘Pakistan’s
violence-related fatalities mark a record 6-year high, 56% surge in violence
recorded in 2023: CRSS Annual
Security Report’, Center for Research and
Security Studies, 31 December 2023, 20240104150739.
- [82] United
States State Department, Country Report on Human Rights for 2020, 30 March
2021.
- [83] 2022
DFAT Report, [4.4].
- [84] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note - Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home Office, 13
July 2021, 20210714090736, [2.4.6].
- [85] ‘Country
Policy and Information Note - Pakistan: Shia Muslims’, UK Home Office, 13
July 2021, 20210714090736.
- [86] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.59].
- [87] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.59].
- [88] ‘Blasphemy
Cases in Pakistan: 1947-2021’, CRSS,
<https://crss.pk/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Blasphemy-Report-.pdf>.
- [89] ‘Senate
rejects criminal law amendment bill 2023’, Associated Press of Pakistan,
19 February 2024.
- [90] SATP,
Terrorism Assessment, Punjab (satp.org),
<https://www.satp.org/terrorism-assessment/pakistan-punjab>.
- [91] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.46].
- [92] 2022
DFAT Report, [2.48].
- [93] See
‘PAK201761.E Pakistan: Situation and treatment of Shia [Shia, Shi’i,
Shiite] Muslims, including Hazaras and Turi,
particularly in Lahore, Karachi,
Islamabad, and Hyderabad; treatment of Shia returnees and whether they are
targeted for extortion
and blasphemy...’, Immigration and Refugee Board of
Canada, 04 January 2024, 20240130115710.
- [94] See
‘PAK201761.E Pakistan: Situation and treatment of Shia [Shia, Shi’i,
Shiite] Muslims, including Hazaras and Turi,
particularly in Lahore, Karachi,
Islamabad, and Hyderabad; treatment of Shia returnees and whether they are
targeted for extortion
and blasphemy...’, Immigration and Refugee Board of
Canada, 04 January 2024, 20240130115710.
- [95] 2022
DFAT Report, [3.58].
- [96] 2022
CRSS Report.
- [97] 2022
CRSS Report.
- [98] See
generally, Pakistani Nationals in Europe 2021,
<https://dtm.iom.int/sites/g/files/tmzbdl1461/files/reports/PAK_2021_Migrant%20Presence_Europe.pdf>
and ‘The Pakistani Diaspora in the United States, June 2015,
<https://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/RAD-Pakistan.pdf>.
- [99] 2022
DFAT Report, [5.28].
- [100] 2022
DFAT Report, [5.31].
- [101] 'Country
Policy and Information Note Pakistan: Christians and Christian converts,
Pakistan', UK Home Office, version 5.0, 30 April
2024, [4.1.3]; see also
‘Why are Pakistan’s Christians targeted?’, BBC News, 30
October 2018.
- [102] CSV15
v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCA 699 at
[30]- [31] (Collier J).
- [103] ESD17
v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection [2018] FCA 1716 at
[24]–[25] (Rangiah J).
- [104] Migration
Act 1958 (Cth), s 36(2)(aa); DQU16 v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021]
HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at [13] (Kiefel CJ, Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward
JJ).
- [105] Minister
for Immigration and Citizenship v SZQRB [2013] FCAFC 33; 210 FCR 505 at
[246] (Lander and Gordon JJ), at [296] (Besanko and Jagot JJ), and at [342]
(Flick J).
- [106] DQU16
v Minister for Home Affairs
[2021] HCA 10
; 273 CLR 1 at
[27]
(Kiefel CJ,
Keane, Gordon, Edelman and Steward JJ) and the authorities there cited.
- [107] GLD18
v Minister for Home Affairs [2020] FCAFC 2 at [88]–[89] (Allsop CJ and
Mortimer J); see also CSV15 v Minister for Immigration and Border Protection
[2018] FCA 699 (Collier J); CHB16 v Minister for Immigration and Border
Protection [2019] FCA 1089 (Reeves J).
- [108] [2020]
FCFCA 2 at [50] (Allsop CJ and Mortimer J).
- [109] See
<https://immi.homeaffairs.gov.au/citizenship-subsite/Pages/Learn-about-being-an-Australian.aspx>
- [110] [1991]
ATS 4.
- [111] See
Family Law Act 1975 (Cth), s 60B.
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