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Te Ara Rangatu O Te Iwi O Ngati Te Ata Waiohua Incorporated v Attorney-General [2020] NZHC 1882 (31 July 2020)
Last Updated: 31 July 2020
IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND AUCKLAND REGISTRY
I TE KŌTI MATUA O AOTEAROA TĀMAKI MAKAURAU ROHE
|
|
UNDER
|
the Declaratory Judgments Act 1908
|
BETWEEN
|
TE ARA RANGATŪ O TE IWI O NGĀTI TE ATA WAIOHUA INCORPORATED
First Plaintiff
RICHARD TE POU MINHINNICK
Second Plaintiff
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AND
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THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF NEW ZEALAND ON BEHALF OF THE CROWN
First Defendant
................................./continued
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Hearing:
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4 June to 28 June 2019; further submissions 26 July 2019, 1, 2, 9,
16, 19 and 23 August 2019; final materials 3 December 2019
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Counsel:
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JP Kahukiwa, JK Harper-Hinton, CJ Orton and RG Ngatai for plaintiffs in
2013 proceedings and second respondent in 2014 proceedings
SM Kinsler, SK Shaw and NF Hodge for first defendant in 2013 proceedings
and first respondent in 2014 proceedings
JE Hodder QC, TD Smith and AJ Wicks for second and third defendants in 2013
proceedings and applicants in 2014 proceedings
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Judgment:
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31 July 2020
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JUDGMENT OF FITZGERALD J
This judgment was
delivered by me on 31 July 2020 at 1pm, pursuant to Rule 11.5 of the High Court
Rules.
Registrar/Deputy Registrar
Date...............
Te Ara Rangatū O Te Iwi O Ngāti Te Ata Waiohua
Incorporated v The Attorney-General [2020] NZHC 1882 [31 July 2020]
Defendants continued
NEW ZEALAND STEEL LIMITED
Second Defendant
WAIKATO NORTH HEAD MINING LIMITED
Third Defendant
HERITAGE NEW ZEALAND POUHERE TAONGA
Counterclaim Defendant
CIV-2014-404-1172
UNDER the Judicature Amendment Act 1972 IN THE MATTER of
the Iron & Steel Industry Act 1959
BETWEEN NEW ZEALAND STEEL MINING LIMITED
First Applicant
NEW ZEALAND STEEL LIMITED
Second Applicant
AND THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL
First Respondent
RICHARD TE POU MINHINNICK
Second Respondent (Counterclaim Plaintiff)
Solicitors: Corban Revell Lawyers, Auckland
Meredith Connell, Wellington Chapman Tripp, Wellington Crown Law,
Wellington
To: J Hodder QC, Wellington
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Overview of factual background
[1]
Summary of the plaintiffs’ claims
[8]
Summary of the Crown and NZ Steel’s
response [9]
Some preliminary points [13]
The structure of this judgment
[22]
PROCEDURAL HISTORY
1990 judicial review proceedings
[25]
NZ Steel’s 2014 application to be
released from its 1990 undertaking [30]
Progression of the 2013 and 2014
proceedings [36]
Plaintiffs granted leave to amend their
statement of claim [40] FIRST, SECOND
AND THIRD CAUSES OF ACTION – BREACH OF FIDUCIARY DUTY AND/OR DUTY OF GOOD
FAITH
Overview of pleaded claims [42]
Key issues for determination
[62]
Is the Waiuku Deed voidable for duress,
undue influence or is otherwise an unconscionable bargain?
Introduction [63]
1863 – the backdrop of war
[65]
The lead up to the Waiuku Deed
[85]
The Waiuku Deed [97]
The Confiscation [110]
Events following the Waiuku Deed and
Confiscation [113]
Compensation Court [118]
Crown grants [122]
Waiuku No 3 Deed [125]
Issue of new grants in 1878
[126]
Later events [133]
Claims of vitiated consent – a
preliminary observation [138]
Duress – legal principles
[143]
Duress – discussion [149]
Undue influence - legal principles
[179]
Undue influence - discussion
[185]
Exploitative/unconscionable bargain
— introduction [187]
Unconscionable bargain - legal
principles [188]
Unconscionable bargain - discussion
[192]
Was the Confiscation ultra
vires the 1863 Act?
The purpose and
terms of the 1863 Act
The lead up to the passing of the Act
[195]
The Bill is passed
[200]
The 1863 Act
– relevant provisions [204] The
“leap frog” argument/no reference to “taking” [212]
Was Ngāti Te Ata, or a section of it,
or any considerable number thereof,
in rebellion? [231]
Was the Confiscation ultra vires on the
basis no consideration was given to whether Ngāti Te Ata, or a considerable
number of it, were engaged in
rebellion? [262]
Confiscation for an unlawful
purpose/Maioro was never settled? [281]
Profiting from illegal conduct?
[287]
Confiscation - conclusion [290]
Does the Crown owe
Ngāti Te Ata a fiduciary or other equitable duty?
Introduction [296]
Summary of submissions [298]
Earlier authorities on fiduciary duty
[304]
Discussion – does a
fiduciary duty arise in this case? [371]
Relational duty of good faith [389]
Conclusions on first,
second and third causes of action [391]
FOURTH AND
FIFTH CAUSES OF ACTION – 1939 AND 1959 TAKINGS OF THE WĀHI TAPU
Overview of pleaded claims [393]
Key issues for
determination [406]
Factual background to takings
Introduction [407]
Lead up to 1939 taking [408]
The PWA 1928 taking of Te Papawhero
[416]
Compensation for the taking of Te
Papawhero and subsequent treatment
of the land [424]
Plantings on Waiaraponia [425]
Removal of kōiwi from Te Papawhero
[426]
Plantings on Te Kuo [430]
Plantings on Tangitanginga [431]
Lead up to the takings of Te Kuo,
Waiaraponia and Tangitanginga [432]
Takings of Te Kuo, Waiaraponia and
Tangitanginga [461]
Compensation for takings [468]
Consideration of iron and steel industry
in New Zealand – early
surveys/consideration [475]
Iron and Steel Industry Act 1959
[494]
Establishment of the Investigating
Company [502]
Further additions to Waiuku State Forest
[505]
Establishment of NZ Steel [507]
Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Act
1965 [514]
Heads of Agreement and Licence
[515]
State forest land at Maioro set apart
for ironsands mining [518] The
Glenbrook expansion and claims in relation to Maioro [520] Negotiations following release of the
Tribunal’s report [529]
State-Owned Enterprises Act
[537]
Sale of the Crown’s shares in NZ
Steel [545]
A settlement reached? [554]
Memorandum of Understanding
[565]
Proposed 1991 settlement [575]
The proposed 1991 settlement is derailed
[577]
Ngāti Te Ata wish to amend the
proposed 1991 settlement [584]
Crown withdraws its 1991 settlement
offer [591]
Was any one or more of the
1939 and 1959 takings of the wāhi tapu under the PWA 1928 unlawful?
The key
statutory provisions [598]
Was the Native Minister’s consent
necessary? [612]
Was the 1939 taking for a lawful
purpose? [614]
Were the 1959 takings for a lawful
purpose? [622]
Was title to the ironsands mineral in
the wāhi tapu taken by the Crown
as a consequence of the 1939 and 1959
takings? [626]
Were the 1939 and/or 1959 takings in bad
faith or for an ulterior
purpose? [629]
Was there a failure to
offer the wāhi tapu back to Ngāti Te Ata? [639]
What was the
effect of setting aside the wāhi tapu for the purposes
of ISIA? [642]
Has mining already
occurred on Tangitanginga? [661]
The
plaintiffs’ claims arising from the “1990 Commitments” –
did
a fiduciary duty arise? [665]
SIXTH CAUSE OF ACTION
– LEGITIMATE EXPECTATION
Overview of pleaded claims [679]
Key issues for determination
[687]
Legitimate expectation in the context of
Treaty settlement negotiations – overview [688]
Legitimate expectation – legal
principles [700]
The plaintiffs’ legitimate
expectation claim in this case [712]
AFFIRMATIVE DEFENCES
[723]
RESULT AND COSTS
Result [724]
Costs [725]
INTRODUCTION
Overview
of factual background
- [1] Part of
Ngāti Te Ata’s ancestral land lies on the Āwhitu Peninsula at
Te-Pūaha- o-Waikato, the mouth of the
Waikato River. It is known as
“Maioro”. Most of Maioro was purchased by the Crown in November 1864
pursuant to what I
will refer to as the “Waiuku Deed”. The sale and
purchase excluded a number of wāhi tapu (burial grounds), four
of which are
in issue in these proceedings, and also provided that various lands (the
habitation reserves) would be granted back
to members of Ngāti Te Ata by
way of Crown grants.
- [2] One month
later, in December 1864, Maioro (including the four wāhi tapu) was part of
several blocks of land confiscated by
the Crown pursuant to the New Zealand
Settlements Act 1863 (the 1863 Act). This occurred against the backdrop of the
Waikato Wars.
Crown grants for the wāhi tapu and the habitation reserves
were later issued to named members of Ngāti Te Ata.
- [3] In September
1939, one of the four wāhi tapu was taken by the Crown under the Public
Works Act 1928 (the PWA 1928) for sand dune reclamation purposes. It was later
set apart for State forest purposes. In 1959, the remaining three
wāhi tapu
were taken by the Crown under the PWA 1928 for State forest purposes.
Accordingly, by 1959 all of Maioro, including
the four wāhi tapu, had been
acquired by the Crown by purchase, confiscation and takings under the PWA 1928.
Maps showing the
location of Maioro on the Āwhitu Peninsula, and the
boundaries of Maioro and the four wāhi tapu within it, are reproduced
in
Schedule One to this judgment. The land within the boundaries of Maioro is also
known today as the Waiuku State Forest.
- [4] In 1966, the
land was set apart for ironsands mining purposes under the Iron and Steel
Industry Act 1959 (the ISIA). In the same
year, and also pursuant to the ISIA,
the Crown granted a licence to New Zealand Steel Limited (NZ Steel) to mine
ironsands at Maioro
(the Licence). This included the four wāhi tapu which
together make up about 21 per cent of the Licence area.
- [5] The land
continues to be used today for State forest purposes, but as and when trees and
other vegetation is cleared, NZ Steel
mines the land for ironsands.1
The ironsands supply the Glenbrook Steel Mill. NZ Steel is yet to mine (at
least in any significant way) the four wāhi tapu,
though it proposes to do
so in the future.
- [6] Ngāti
Te Ata feels a keen sense of loss and grievance at the Crown’s historic
conduct in relation to Maioro and the
four wāhi tapu. In more recent times,
the Crown has accepted that certain land confiscations of the late 1800s
breached its
obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi (the Treaty). As a result,
and in accordance with the Waitangi Tribunal’s recommendations
in its 1985
Manukau Report (referred to as “Wai 8”),2 the
Crown has engaged in Treaty settlement negotiations with Ngāti Te Ata.
- [7] For a
variety of reasons and despite the passage of some 30 years, the Crown and
Ngāti Te Ata are yet to reach a settlement
of Ngāti Te Ata’s
Treaty claims. Frustrated at the lack of progress, the plaintiffs commenced
these proceedings in 2013.
Summary of the plaintiffs’ claims
- [8] The
plaintiffs’ pleaded claims are lengthy, overlapping and in parts unclear.
But in broad terms, the plaintiffs allege
the following:
(a) First, the vendors’ consent to sell Maioro to the
Crown under the Waiuku Deed of November 1864 was vitiated by duress or
undue
influence, or the sale amounted to an unconscionable bargain. These claims rely
on the environment created by the Waikato Wars
and the threat of Maioro being
confiscated in any event.
(b) Second, the confiscation of Maioro in December 1864 (the
Confiscation) was ultra vires the 1863 Act, including because Governor
Grey
could not have been satisfied Ngāti Te Ata or a “considerable number
thereof” had been “engaged in rebellion”
(being a
pre-requisite to confiscation under the Act).
1 Once mining is complete, new trees are planted.
2 Waitangi Tribunal Manukau Report (Wai 8, 1985).
(c) Third, and given (a) and (b) above, neither the Waiuku Deed nor the
Confiscation were effective to extinguish Ngāti Te Ata’s
native
customary title in Maioro, and both transactions were in breach of a fiduciary
duty and/or a duty of good faith owed by the
Crown to Ngāti Te Ata at that
time.
(d) Fourth, the 1939 and 1959 takings of the wāhi tapu
under the PWA 1928 were unlawful and/or for an improper purpose (in reality,
being taken for mining purposes and not for sand dune reclamation or State
forest), and/or were in breach of equitable duties owed
by the Crown to
Ngāti Te Ata.
(e) Fifth, the sale of the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel in
1987 to Equiticorp Holdings Ltd (Equiticorp) breached the Crown’s
obligations under the Treaty, breached equitable obligations owed by the Crown
to Ngāti Te Ata and/or was inconsistent with
the principles established by
the Court of Appeal in New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
(the Lands case).3
(f) Sixth, the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata entered into a binding commitment
in 1990 to remove the wāhi tapu from the Licence
area which the Crown has
failed to implement.
(g) Seventh, various commitments made by the Crown in the 1990s
in the context of the Treaty settlement negotiations gave rise to
a fiduciary
duty on the part of the Crown which the Crown has breached.
(h) Finally, a legitimate expectation arose from the
parties’ Treaty settlement negotiations to the effect that Ngāti Te
Ata’s Treaty claims would have been fairly dealt with by now and would not
be rendered nugatory by reason of the Crown’s
actions and inactions. The
plaintiffs say the Crown is in breach of this legitimate expectation.
3 New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [1987] 1 NZLR 641 (CA).
Summary of the Crown and NZ Steel’s response
- [9] The
Crown denies that its actions in acquiring Maioro were unlawful or in breach of
equitable obligations owed to Ngāti Te
Ata. It says:
(a) First, the alleged equitable obligations never came into
existence. In particular, it says the facts in this case are quite different
to
the factual circumstances in Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General
(Wakatū) in which the Supreme Court found the Crown did owe
fiduciary duties to the original customary owners of land which was to have been
(but was not) reserved for their benefit.4
(b) Second and in any event, the plaintiffs have failed to
establish the Crown’s actions in acquiring Maioro were inconsistent
with
any such equitable obligations; rather, the Waiuku Deed effected a valid sale
and purchase of Maioro and the Confiscation was
lawful under the law as it stood
at the time.
(c) Third, the wāhi tapu were lawfully taken under the PWA
1928 for legitimate public works purposes.
(d) Fourth, the grant of the Licence to NZ Steel was lawful
under the terms of ISIA.
(e) Fifth, the sale of the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel was
not in breach of any equitable obligations, the Treaty or the principles
established in the Lands case. In particular, NZ Steel has never
been a state-owned enterprise for the purposes of the State-Owned Enterprises
Act 1986 (SOE Act)
to which the Lands case was directed. Further and in
any event, given the Crown retains ownership of the land over which the Licence
is granted, the
share sale has not impaired the Crown’s ability to provide
meaningful cultural and commercial redress to Ngāti Te Ata
for historical
Treaty breaches.
4 Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General
[2017] NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423.
(f) Finally, the difficult and protracted Treaty negotiations do not give
rise to the duties and/or representations contended for
by the plaintiffs.
- [10] NZ Steel
takes a neutral position on the issues arising between the plaintiffs and the
Crown. It firmly rejects, however, any
suggestion that its Licence is invalid.
NZ Steel says that whatever occurred as between the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata
before 1966
is irrelevant to the validity of the Licence, which was
lawfully granted pursuant to the statutory terms of the
ISIA.
- [11] The Crown
and NZ Steel also advance a number of affirmative defences, namely that the
plaintiffs lack standing to bring the pleaded
claims, and/or the claims are
time-barred or subject to the doctrines of laches and acquiescence in any
event.
- [12] The
competing cases summarised above give rise to the following key issues for
determination:
(a) whether the Waiuku Deed is voidable for duress, undue
influence or was an unconscionable bargain;
(b) the lawfulness of the 1864 Confiscation;
(c) whether the Crown owed Ngāti Te Ata a private law
fiduciary duty and/or a duty of good faith;
(d) the lawfulness of the public works takings of the wāhi
tapu in 1939 and 1959; and
(e) what, if any, legally enforceable obligations on the part of
the Crown arise out of the Treaty settlement negotiations.
Some preliminary points
- [13] Before
going any further there are a number of preliminary points helpful to note at
this stage.
- [14] First, at
the time this matter was originally set down for trial (in April 2016, which was
later vacated – see [37] below),
it was agreed the hearing would deal with
matters of liability only. This became relevant at the hearing as a number of
the plaintiffs’
causes of action allege the Crown holds Maioro and/or the
wāhi tapu on constructive trust for Ngāti Te Ata. Both the Crown
and
NZ Steel submit that whether, and if so, what form of constructive trust arises
as a result of any finding of breach by the Crown
is properly a matter for
determination in the second phase of these proceedings.
- [15] Second, the
difficulty in resolving disputed facts relating to events which took place some
160 years ago will be immediately
apparent. In addition, factual findings
concerning those historical events can only be made on the basis of admissible
evidence put
before the Court in these proceedings. The plaintiffs and the Crown
produced a lengthy (and helpful) statement of agreed facts. But
that statement
did not extend to much of the historical events which took place over the period
from around 1860 to the early 1900s.
Many of the facts relevant to the
plaintiffs’ claims were in dispute and were the subject of competing
(expert historian) evidence.
Further, while the historical record before the
Court is fulsome, it is by no means complete. Much has also been written and
said
about events in New Zealand in the late 1800s. But to the extent matters of
fact are in dispute in these proceedings, the Court cannot
look beyond the
evidence presented before it at the hearing.
- [16] In this
context, the plaintiffs did not call all the witnesses for whom they had
produced briefs of evidence, and in particular,
Dr Vincent O’Malley (a
leading historian and expert on the Waikato Wars) and Professor Richard Boast QC
OMNZ (a Professor of
Law at Victoria University specialising in legal history
and Māori land law). I do not know what evidence Dr O’Malley
and
Professor Boast would have given. The plaintiffs initially suggested their
briefs simply be taken as read. That would have been
inappropriate given the
witnesses were not available for cross- examination. I have therefore not read
or taken into account Dr O’Malley
or Professor Boast’s
evidence.
- [17] Third, and
in terms of the evidence that was adduced at trial, much was in the form of
historical documentary records, as well
as more contemporary materials
from
recent decades. I also heard expert historian evidence from Mr Roimata
Minhinnick (a leading member of Ngāti Te Ata, whose roles
include lead
negotiator for the Ngāti Te Ata Claims Support Trust, a former research
officer for the Waitangi Tribunal, and
who has devoted very substantial time and
energy to researching the history of Maioro and Ngāti Te Ata’s
claims), and
Mr James Brent Parker (Senior Historical Researcher at Crown Law,
where Mr Parker has been employed for the past 24 years). I also
heard evidence
from others involved in the forestry and mining industries, as well as the
Treaty settlements process and the negotiation
of Ngāti Te Ata’s
claims.
- [18] Some of the
evidence I heard was strictly hearsay. There was nevertheless no formal
objection taken by any party to the evidence
adduced at trial. I accordingly
proceed on the basis the evidence was admitted by agreement pursuant to s 9 of
the Evidence Act 2006.
Where appropriate however, I have taken these matters
into account when considering the weight to be given to particular items of
evidence. This has been particularly necessary in the case of some of the
historical materials, which are not complete and thus the
full context to
certain events and communications is unknown.
- [19] The fourth
preliminary point is that it is not the purpose of this judgment to make
findings or comment on the moral aspects
of the Crown’s acquisition of
Maioro, and in particular, the Confiscation of 1864. Few, including the Crown,
would now view
the Confiscation as fair or right and as already noted, the Crown
accepts that certain confiscations of the late 1800s were wrongful.5
Rather, aspects of the plaintiffs’ claim require me to determine the
lawfulness of actions taken by the Crown under the law
as it stood at the time.
The Confiscation was effected by the exercise by the Governor in Council of
statutory powers vested in him
by the 1863 Act. As Lord Diplock said in
McEldowney v Forde, “[t]he views of the courts as to whether
particular statutory or subordinate legislation promotes or hinders the common
weal
- See,
for example, Waikato Raupatu Claims Settlement Act 1995 (the 1995 Act), s 6, in
which the Crown made an apology, including that
“[t]he Crown acknowledges
that the subsequent confiscation of land and resources under the New Zealand
Settlements Act 1863
of the New Zealand Parliament were wrongful, have caused
Waikato [which is defined as including Ngāti Te Ata] to the present
time to
suffer feelings in relation to their lost lands akin to those of orphans, and
have had a crippling impact on the welfare,
economy and development of
Waikato”. Ngāti Te Ata’s claims in relation to Maioro (as part
of the “Waiuku Block”)
are excluded from the settlement under the
1995 Act; s 8(2)(b).
is irrelevant”.6 Accordingly, the sole inquiry for the Court on
this aspect of the plaintiffs’ claim is whether the Confiscation was a
lawful
exercise of the powers granted by the 1863 Act.
- [20] Fifth, it
is appropriate to comment on some of the language and terms used in this
judgment. Many of the historical materials
include terms or descriptors such as
“Natives”, “friendly” or “loyal” tribes,
“hostile”
Māori, “rebels”, “rebellion”
and other similar language. These terms were used frequently at the hearing,
given it is how much of the underlying documentary evidence is framed. For the
same reason, these terms are used at times in this
judgment. I acknowledge,
however, that they are not terms which are always appropriate or employed in
more contemporary times. I
accordingly mean no disrespect by the use of them in
this judgment.
- [21] Finally, it
is appropriate to record at the outset, and commend counsel for, the responsible
and respectful manner in which the
hearing was conducted.
The structure of this judgment
- [22] Mr
Kinsler, counsel for the Crown, described the plaintiffs’ claims as giving
rise to a “galaxy of issues”.7 Despite the relatively
brief summary of the claims earlier in this judgment, that is a fair
description. The claims span events over
a period of some 150 years and give
rise to a large number of complex and in some instances, novel, questions of
law.
- [23] For these
reasons, this judgment is long. In order to assist the reader digest the detail
of the plaintiffs’ claims, I
have not set out in one section of the
judgment a summary of all the causes of action pleaded and the relief
sought. Nor have I included in one section of the judgment the full factual
background
to all the claims. Rather, I have split the claims into what I
consider to be their logical groupings and included in each resulting
section of
my judgment a summary of the pleaded claims, the relief sought, the factual
background relevant to those claims and then
my findings in relation to them. I
have also not always dealt with the claims in the order pleaded;
for
- McEldowney
v Forde [1971] AC 632 (HL) at 658, cited with approval in Edwards v
Onehunga High School Board [1974] 2 NZLR 238 (CA) at
242.
7 Mr Kahukiwa, counsel for the plaintiffs, similarly
described the plaintiffs’ claims as “epic”.
example, I have found it helpful to address the fifth cause of action (alleged
unlawful taking of the wāhi tapu under the PWA
1928) before the fourth
cause of action (breach of alleged equitable duties as a result of the takings).
And to avoid overburdening
an already lengthy judgment, I have not set out in
relation to every cause of action the parties’ detailed submissions.
Rather,
the parties’ submissions will be evident from my discussion of the
claims themselves.8
- [24] The balance
of this judgment is accordingly structured as follows:
(a) First, I outline the procedural history to these proceedings
which provides helpful context and background to the present claims.
(b) Second, I summarise the plaintiffs’ first, second and
third causes of action which largely (though not wholly) concern the
1864
purchase and then confiscation of Maioro. It is fair to say that the legal
consequences of these events were the focus of the
plaintiffs’ evidence
and submissions at the hearing.
(c) Third, I address the plaintiffs’ fourth and fifth
causes of action, which deal with the takings of the wāhi tapu in
1939 and
1959 and aspects of the later Treaty settlement negotiations.
(d) Fourth, I address the plaintiffs’ sixth cause of
action, which alleges the Treaty settlement negotiations and other surrounding
circumstances gave rise to a legitimate expectation on the part of Ngāti Te
Ata.
(e) Finally, I address the Crown and NZ Steel’s
affirmative defences.
- I
mean no disrespect to counsel for dealing with the detailed and helpful
submissions I did receive in this way.
PROCEDURAL HISTORY
1990
judicial review proceedings
- [25] Issues
concerning Maioro first came before this Court in 1990 when in the context of
the Treaty settlement negotiations with
Ngāti Te Ata, the Crown proposed to
remove the four wāhi tapu from the Licence area. This was set out in an
October 1990
Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between Ngāti Te Ata and the
Crown. The MOU also recorded that Ngāti Te Ata would propose
conditions
under which mining could proceed on the balance of Maioro.
- [26] NZ Steel
was concerned at these developments and that it had not been consulted on them.
In October 1990, shortly after receiving
a copy of the MOU, it commenced
judicial review proceedings and sought urgent interim orders preserving the
status quo.9 The basis of NZ Steel’s application for judicial
review was its view that the removal of the four wāhi tapu from the Licence
was ultra vires the ISIA. Ngāti Te Ata was joined to the
proceedings.
- [27] In November
1990, two undertakings were given in the place of interim orders and the
substantive judicial review proceedings
were set down for a hearing in April
1991. The undertakings given were as follows:
(a) The Crown undertook not to remove the four wāhi tapu
from the Licence area until the Court issued a final decision on the
orders
sought in NZ Steel’s statement of claim; and
(b) NZ Steel undertook not to mine the four wāhi tapu
pending final resolution of the judicial review proceedings or further
order of
the Court.
- [28] In November
1990, Ngāti Te Ata filed a statement of defence in the judicial review
proceedings alleging, inter alia, that
the wāhi tapu had been unlawfully
taken under the PWA 1928 and thus could not confer on the Crown any right to the
ironsands.
A month later in December 1990, Ngāti Te Ata filed a
counterclaim against the Crown
9 M170/90.
in the same proceedings. This made broader allegations, including an alleged
breach by the Crown of fiduciary duties said to be owed
to Ngāti Te Ata and
that the MOU was an enforceable contract. The relief sought included orders that
the Minister responsible
for administering the ISIA exercise his powers under
the Act to remove Maioro (i.e. not only the wāhi tapu) from the Licence
area.
- [29] In the
event, the April 1991 substantive hearing did not take place.10 There
matters rested, at least in the context of the judicial review proceedings
themselves, for the next 23 years.
NZ Steel’s 2014 application to be released from its 1990
undertaking
- [30] In
2014, NZ Steel applied to discontinue the 1990 judicial review proceedings and
consequently to be released from its November
1990 undertaking. In determining
NZ Steel’s application, Fogarty J noted the context in which NZ Steel had
given its undertaking,
namely in anticipation of the substantive judicial review
proceedings being heard a few months later in April 1991.11 Instead
of that occurring, however, some 23 years had passed and the mining of the four
wāhi tapu areas had become embroiled
in the larger question of an overall
Treaty settlement between Ngāti Te Ata and the Crown.
- [31] Fogarty J
also considered, in a preliminary way, the merits of Ngāti Te Ata’s
counterclaim. He declined to engage
on any suggested challenge to the
Crown’s stance in the Treaty settlement negotiations, including its
decision to suspend negotiations
as a result of the present proceedings being
filed. He said that decision- making in the Treaty settlement negotiation
context was
essentially an act of executive government not capable of being
judged by the High Court.12 Fogarty J also declined to engage on
complaints in relation to Crown actions that were empowered by a statute,
including the Confiscation
itself.13
- The
plaintiffs’ statement of claim in the present proceedings states that the
1990 proceedings “were put on hold”
to allow negotiations to
continue.
11 New Zealand Steel Mining Ltd v Butcher
[2014] NZHC 155.
12 At [38].
13 At [39], stating: “The fact that the Waitangi Tribunal
has found that that was a wrong does not make it justiciable. That is,
the High
Court has no power to criticise, let alone read down or set aside a
statute.”
- [32] Fogarty J
then addressed the pleaded fiduciary duties and alleged breaches thereof.14
He noted statements by the Court of Appeal in the Lands case to the
effect that the parties to the Treaty owed each other obligations of good
faith.15 He noted the Court of Appeal in Paki v Attorney-General
had later rejected the suggestion that the Lands case stood for the
proposition that the Treaty itself gave rise to enforceable fiduciary
duties.16
- [33] Fogarty J
accepted that if the real purpose of taking the wāhi tapu in 1939 and 1959
could be shown to be for mining rather
than the stated purposes under the PWA
1928, “it might found an argument that the statutory powers of compulsory
acquisition
were exercised with lack of good faith and not for the [sic] proper
purpose”.17 But he noted that even if that were the case, the
remedy would not be one of constructive trust (as pleaded), given the public law
presumption that all government action has its intended legal effect until set
aside for error of law.
- [34] For those
reasons, together with the very lengthy passage of time, Ngāti Te
Ata’s continuing opportunity to negotiate
a settlement with the Crown
under the Treaty framework and that its underlying counterclaim was against the
Crown and not NZ Steel,
Fogarty J granted NZ Steel’s application.18
The Judge was also mindful of what he referred to as NZ Steel’s
“policy to respond with considerable care if human remains
are uncovered
during the excavation and there is protocol in place in that
regard”.19
- [35] Fogarty
J’s judgment was upheld by the Court of Appeal.20 The Court
noted that while it was not in dispute that Ngāti Te Ata’s case was
arguable, NZ Steel’s undertaking had
been given in circumstances where the
substantive hearing was
14 Noting that these aspects of Ngāti Te
Ata’s counterclaim in the 1990 proceedings “have been reformatted
but essentially
reiterated in the recent 2013 proceedings” (at
[40(a)]).
15 At [43]–[48].
16 At [49], referring to Paki v Attorney-General [2009]
NZCA 584, [2011] 1 NZLR 125. Fogarty J noted that at the time of his judgment,
the point was yet to be considered by the Supreme Court in
Paki. I
discuss the Supreme Court’s judgment in Paki at [335] to [348]
below.
17 At [53].
18 The meant the only part of the judicial review proceedings left
on foot was Ngāti Te Ata’s counterclaim (referred to at
[28] above),
which is now proceeding CIV-2014-404-1172, i.e. one of the proceedings the
subject of this judgment.
19 At [78]. NZ Steel says this protocol, the “Maioro
Kōiwi Protection Plan”, was agreed with a senior Ngāti
Te Ata
representative in 1998.
20 Ngāti Te Ata v New Zealand Steel Mining Ltd [2015]
NZCA 547, [2016] NZAR 38.
expected to be held only a matter of months later, when instead “an
extraordinary amount of time” had passed since the
undertaking had been
given.21 And rather than part of a reciprocal exchange with the
Crown, the Court viewed NZ Steel’s undertaking as having come to serve
as
interim relief for Ngāti Te Ata against NZ Steel. The Court was not
persuaded Ngāti Te Ata had shown the requisite
degree of prejudice to
require NZ Steel’s undertaking to remain in place, noting that loss of the
undertaking may require Ngāti
Te Ata to seek interim relief against NZ
Steel in due course. The Court saw no requisite injustice in
that.22
Progression of the 2013 and 2014 proceedings
- [36] The
progress of the present 2013 proceedings (and the counterclaim from the 1990
proceedings, which have been case managed together)
has been fraught with delay
and disruption. It is unfortunate it took some six years for the claims to come
to a substantive hearing.
- [37] A
three-week fixture due to commence in April 2016, which had been allocated on an
urgent basis and with a compressed timetable
at the plaintiffs’ request,
was vacated, also at the plaintiffs’ request. A replacement three-week
fixture was allocated
for October 2017, but later rescheduled to May 2018
given senior counsel for NZ Steel’s unavailability. But the May
2018
fixture was also vacated at the plaintiffs’ request. In granting that
application, the Court recognised the plaintiffs
should be given every
reasonable opportunity to have their case heard by the Court, though noted that
right was not unlimited and
the plaintiffs were required to accept
responsibility to
21 At [31].
22 At [32]. At the hearing before me, Mr Minhinnick was highly
critical of the Court of Appeal’s finding of no substantial prejudice
to
Ngāti Te Ata. It appears Mr Minhinnick interprets the Court’s finding
as a suggestion there would be no prejudice to
Ngāti Te Ata from mining the
wāhi tapu. But that is not what the Court of Appeal determined. It found no
prejudice arising
from NZ Steel being released from its undertaking, given NZ
Steel did not propose to mine the wāhi tapu prior to the hearing
of the
plaintiffs’ claims in any event; the plaintiffs’ ability to seek
interim relief in the future if required; and
those protections it saw arising
from the Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga Act 2014. Though in a later
decision in these proceedings,
and against the Crown’s opposition, Powell
J concluded that authority was not in fact required under the Heritage New
Zealand
Pouhere Taonga Act, the ISIA being a “complete code” in
relation to ironsands mining in New Zealand; Te Ara Rangatu o Te Iwi o
Ngāti Te Ata Waiohua Inc v Attorney-General [2018] NZHC 2550 at [60].
In reaching this conclusion, Powell J took a similar approach to Kós J in
his earlier decision in New Zealand Steel Ltd v Attorney General [2013]
NZHC 3524, in which his Honour found the Resource Management Act 1991 similarly
did not apply to require the Crown to seek and obtain resource
consents before
undertaking forestry clearance on Maioro in preparation for mining.
pursue the claim from that point. A new three-week fixture was allocated to
commence on 4 June 2019. Shortly beforehand, the plaintiffs
again applied to
vacate the fixture. Venning J declined that application. The matter accordingly
came before me in June 2019, though
in the event, the hearing extended to four
weeks.
- [38] The final
matter the Court has dealt with on an interlocutory basis is Ngāti Te
Ata’s standing, as an iwi, to be a
party to and prosecute its claims. That
issue came before Venning J and he delivered a judgment in November 2018.23
The Judge held that as the claims seek substantive relief against the
Crown and affect the legal rights of NZ Steel, legal personality
was required to
advance them.24 Venning J accordingly dismissed the plaintiffs’
application in the 2013 proceedings for joinder of Ngāti Te Ata in its
own
right or to replace the existing first plaintiff. He also granted the Crown and
NZ Steel’s applications in the 2014 proceedings
that Ngāti Te
Ata’s counterclaim was stayed until a plaintiff with standing to prosecute
it was presented to the Court
for joinder.
- [39] In the
event, Mr Richard Te Pou Minhinnick consented to becoming the second plaintiff
in the 2013 proceedings and the counterclaim
plaintiff in the 2014 proceedings.
There was no objection to this, save that the Crown and NZ Steel maintain their
affirmative defence
that both plaintiffs lack standing to prosecute the
claims.
Plaintiffs granted leave to amend their statement of
claim
- [40] During
the course of the substantive hearing before me and over the opposition of the
Crown and NZ Steel, I granted the plaintiffs
leave to file a third amended
statement of claim in the 2013 proceedings.25 Mr Kahukiwa also
confirmed that the counterclaim in the 1990 judicial review proceedings was
effectively “parked”, having
been substantially (if not wholly)
overtaken by the 2013 proceedings.
23 Te Ara Rangatu o Te Iwi o Ngāti Te Ata
Waiohua Inc v Attorney-General [2018] NZHC 2886, [2019] NZAR 12.
24 Whata J reached a similar conclusion in Ngāti Te Ata v
Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations [2017] NZHC 2058 at [5].
25 I declined, however, to grant leave to make amendments which
would have required further and not insubstantial evidence to be called,
in all
likelihood necessitating a (further) adjournment of the substantive fixture.
- [41] With that
background in mind, I turn now to the causes of action.
FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD CAUSES OF ACTION – BREACH OF
FIDUCIARY DUTY AND/OR DUTY OF GOOD FAITH
Overview
of pleaded claims
- [42] In their
first cause of action, the plaintiffs say the Crown owed Ngāti Te Ata a
fiduciary duty and/or duty to act in good
faith to only extinguish Ngāti Te
Ata’s property rights by fair conduct and on fair terms. Further content
of the alleged
fiduciary duty and/or duty of good faith is said to
be:
(a) to deal with the land for the benefit of Ngāti Te
Ata;
(b) to only grant rights or licences in respect of the land on
terms consistent with Ngāti Te Ata’s interests;
(c) to ensure proper compensation is paid for the use of land
subject to Ngāti Te Ata’s tupuna (aboriginal) title;
(d) not to alienate land that is subject to Ngāti Te
Ata’s tupuna title;
(e) not to alienate land subject to a Treaty claim, or interests
in land that may be subject to a Treaty claim, without taking steps
to ensure
Ngāti Te Ata would not be disadvantaged by such action; and
(f) not to impair the interests of Ngāti Te Ata.
- [43] The
following additional matters are said to form the content of the alleged duty of
good faith:
(a) to cooperate with Ngāti Te Ata to achieve a shared
purpose;
(b) to act honestly; and
(c) to act reasonably, having regard to the other party’s
interests.
- [44] The above
duties are said to arise from the following:26
(a) that Ngāti Te Ata’s tupuna title pre-dates
British colonisation of New Zealand;
(b) the Crown’s “assumption of an obligation to
protect that property right”;
(c) the signifying of a partnership and special relationship
between the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata as a result of their entry into
the
Treaty;
(d) instructions given on behalf of the Crown to successive
Governors of New Zealand in relation to their treatment of Māori
and how
their land was to be acquired;
(e) Ngāti Te Ata’s customary interests being subject
or vulnerable to the actions of the Crown;
(f) a relationship of trust between Ngāti Te Ata and the
Crown which arose out of the terms of the Treaty and the history of
diplomacy
and negotiations between the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata; and
(g) by the enactment of:
(i) section 73 of the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852 (the
Constitution Act) (which conferred on the Crown the right of pre-emption
in
respect of Māori land); and
26 I have referred here only to those aspects of the
relationship between the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata which existed at the time
of
the Waiuku Deed and Confiscation; a raft of much later matters and statutory
provisions are referenced in this part of the plaintiffs’
statement of
claim, but it is difficult to see how, for example, the enactment of a statutory
provision in, say 1928, 1949 or 1959
(as suggested at [164.11] of the third
amended statement of claim) could give rise to a fiduciary duty or duty of good
faith owed
and said to have been breached in 1864. It appears that the later
events and statutory provisions are intended to be further
“manifestations”
or reflections of the underlying fiduciary
duty/relationship of good faith. I address those aspects of the pleading, to the
extent
required, under the later causes of action which address 20th
century events.
(ii) sections 2, 3 and 4 of the 1863 Act, which set out the process for the
confiscation of Māori land.
- [45] In his
closing submissions, Mr Kahukiwa placed particular (and indeed almost exclusive)
emphasis on the Treaty itself and s 73
of the Constitution
Act.27
- [46] The above
equitable duties are said to be owed to all members of Ngāti Te Ata, as
identified by Ngāti Te Ata tikanga.
- [47] The
plaintiffs further plead that:
Any acquisition by the Crown of the legal interests in
Ngāti Te Ata’s land could not extinguish its title in the land,
except by the lawful operation of statute or with the free consent of Ngāti
Te Ata to the acquisition.
- [48] In this
context, the plaintiffs say that:
(a) in the environment created by the Waikato Wars, and knowing
the land could be subject to confiscation in any event, those members
of
Ngāti Te Ata who sold their interests in Maioro to the Crown did so under
duress and/or undue influence and/or was an unconscionable
bargain, such that
the Waiuku Deed is voidable and did not effect a valid transfer of Maioro from
Ngāti Te Ata to the Crown;
and
(b) the Confiscation was ultra vires the 1863 Act, given
Ngāti Te Ata had not been engaged in rebellion against the Crown, and/or
no
consideration was given to whether Ngāti Te Ata, a section of it or any
considerable number of it, had been engaged in rebellion,
and/or the
Confiscation was for an improper purpose given the members of Ngāti Te Ata
posed no security threat to the Crown.
27 This was for the purpose of drawing on Canadian
authorities which have found that the statutory right of pre-emption under
Canadian
legislation gave rise to fiduciary duties owed by the Crown to First
Nations.
- [49] The
plaintiffs say the Crown’s acquisition of Maioro in the above
circumstances was a breach of the Crown’s fiduciary
duty and/or duty of
good faith and as a result, the Crown held Maioro on constructive trust for
Ngāti Te Ata.
- [50] The
plaintiffs then refer to a range of events since 1864 (such as the setting apart
of Maioro for State forest purposes and
then for the purposes of the ISIA; the
granting of the Licence; the mining of Maioro; and the sale of the Crown’s
shares in
NZ Steel) and say they all involved the Crown breaching its
(pre-existing) equitable duties to Ngāti Te Ata and failing to account
to
Ngāti Te Ata as trustee.28
- [51] The
plaintiffs seek a range of declarations on the first cause of action, including
that:
(a) the Waiuku Deed is voidable for want of legitimate consent
on the part of the Ngāti Te Ata vendors;
(b) the Crown’s conduct leading up to the Waiuku Deed
involved a breach of its fiduciary duties or duty of good faith;
(c) the Confiscation was ultra vires the 1863 Act;
(d) in purporting to confiscate Maioro, the Crown breached its
fiduciary duties or duty of good faith; and
(e) from the time of the Waiuku Deed, the Crown held the land
acquired under the Deed on constructive trust for Ngāti Te Ata.
- [52] The
plaintiffs also seek an account of profits and/or an inquiry as to damages, and
an order that the Crown return that portion
of Maioro that remains in Crown
ownership to Ngāti Te Ata.
- [53] The second
cause of action partly, though not wholly, overlaps with the first cause of
action. It does not, however, rely on
findings of a fiduciary duty or a duty
of
- In
this context, the plaintiffs rely on the concept of a “post-surrender
breach” as discussed by the Federal Court of
Canada in Semiahmoo Indian
Band v Canada (1998) 148 DLR (4th) 523 (FCA).
good faith. Rather, it alleges that the fact the Waiuku Deed did not effect a
valid transfer of Maioro from Ngāti Te Ata to
the Crown and/or the
Confiscation was ultra vires the 1863 Act, gave rise to a constructive trust
over the lands acquired in favour
of Ngāti Te Ata. Again, it is pleaded
that the Crown has failed to account to Ngāti Te Ata for income, royalties
and revenue
derived from Maioro.
- [54] In the
alternative under the second cause of action, the plaintiffs say the Crown
unlawfully invaded the Waikato and initiated
an armed conflict and thus sought
to profit from its own unlawful attack by:
(a) confiscating Maioro; and
(b) using the threat of such confiscations and the climate of
fear created by the invasion to enter into the Waiuku Deed.
- [55] The
plaintiffs say the Crown’s attempt to profit from its own unlawful attack
gave rise to a constructive trust over Maioro.
Similar relief is sought on this
cause of action as that sought under the first cause of
action.
- [56] Although
not (expressly) pleaded, Mr Kahukiwa also raised two further arguments at the
hearing concerning the validity of the
Confiscation:
(a) First, that when exercising his powers under the 1863 Act,
the Governor was required to undertake a three-step process, with separate
Orders in Council for each step, and could not effectively “leap
frog” from declaring a District under s 2 of the 1863
Act to reserving the
land and thereby clearing it of title pursuant to s 4.29
(b) Second, that the Order in Council which effected the
Confiscation did not expressly “take” the land in question (but
merely “reserved” it), and thus was not effective in extinguishing
pre-existing title and interests.
29 This was referred to at the hearing as the
“leapfrog” argument.
- [57] The Crown
made substantive submissions in response to these arguments and I accordingly
address them in this section of my judgment.
- [58] The third
cause of action is styled “Breach of fiduciary duty and/or relational duty
of good faith in relation to events
since 1864 relating to Maioro”. This
cause of action is contingent on the establishment of the equitable duties
and/or a constructive
trust under the first and/or second causes of
action.30
- [59] The
plaintiffs say that the Crown breached its (pre-existing) fiduciary duty and/or
duty of good faith in a range of ways, by:
(a) dealing with Maioro in a manner inconsistent with
Maioro’s title at tikanga;
(b) failing to take into account that Maioro was not
beneficially owned by the Crown but held on trust for Ngāti Te Ata;
(c) failing to consult with and/or act cooperatively with
Ngāti Te Ata when making significant decisions about the acquisition
and
use of Maioro;
(d) deliberately withholding relevant information from
Ngāti Te Ata and/or misrepresenting the true position with a view to
deceiving
Ngāti Te Ata when making decisions about Maioro (including in
connection with the setting aside of the land for the purposes
of the ISIA);
(e) setting apart Maioro and granting the Licence under the ISIA
when the beneficial ownership in the land and ironsands was held
on trust for
Ngāti Te Ata;
30 In his closing submissions, Mr Kahukiwa confirmed
that there are two instances in which the plaintiffs say a “fresh”
fiduciary
duty arose on the part of the Crown (i.e. not dependent on the
relationship and events of the 19th century): namely a duty arising
from s 15 of the Public Works Act 1928 [PWA 1928] (pursuant to which the Native
Minister’s consent was required before taking “Native Land”
for public
works), and from certain commitments said to have been made by the
Crown to Ngāti Te Ata in the 1990s. I discuss each of these
alleged duties
when addressing the fourth and fifth causes of action.
(f) knowingly alienating the Crown’s interests in NZ Steel to a third
party at a time when Maioro was subject to a Treaty claim
and thereby preventing
the Crown from being able to provide cultural and commercial redress for Treaty
claims;
(g) alienating the Crown’s interests in NZ Steel in an
“improvident, unreasonable and dishonest way thereby rendering
itself
liable as constructive trustee for the value it received”;
(h) failing to ensure that Ngāti Te Ata’s interests
in Maioro would be protected and not impaired (including, for example,
by
failing to ensure various protections for kōiwi, urupā or wāhi
tapu or rehabilitation of the land under the terms
of the Licence; and granting
the Licence on terms unfavourable to Ngāti Te Ata);
(i) profiting from its position as fiduciary, by way of the sale
of its shares in NZ Steel, collecting royalties from mining and benefiting
from
the export of ironsands;
(j) since 1987, failing to abide the “Treaty claim
protective mechanisms”, being the combined effect of certain statutory
provisions31 and the Lands case to protect Māori;
(k) failing to remove the wāhi tapu from the Licence;
and
(l) facilitating further mining on Maioro.
- [60] The
plaintiffs say that despite Maioro belonging to Ngāti Te Ata, the Crown has
refused to return it or account for revenues
earned as a result of the
Crown’s purported ownership.
31 Being the State-Owned Enterprises Act 1986 [SOE
Act], the Conservation Act 1987 and the Crown Forest Assets Act 1989 and other
statutes
in which the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi are referenced.
- [61] By way of
relief on the third cause of action, the plaintiffs seek declarations including
that the Crown’s setting apart
of Maioro as an “ironsands
area” and granting the Licence was unlawful, and thus “rendering the
Licence invalid”.
A declaration is also sought that the Crown holds all
profit made in relation to Maioro as trustee for Ngāti Te
Ata.
Key issues for determination
- [62] I
address the plaintiffs’ allegations under the first, second and third
causes of action by reference to the following
key issues:
(a) Is the Waiuku Deed voidable by reason of duress and/or undue
influence, or otherwise is an unconscionable bargain?
(b) Was the Confiscation ultra vires the 1863
Act?32
(c) At the time of the Waiuku Deed and/or the Confiscation, did
the Crown owe a private law fiduciary duty and/or duty of good faith
to
Ngāti Te Ata?
(d) If the answer to (c) is yes, what was the content of that
duty?
(e) If the answer to (a) or (b) above is yes, did the
Crown’s acquisition of Maioro breach any fiduciary duty and/or duty of
good faith?
(f) Assuming a fiduciary duty and/or duty of good faith was owed
by the Crown to Ngāti Te Ata, has the Crown further breached
that duty
and/or failed to account to the person(s) to whom the duty is owed, in any of
the ways summarised at [59] above?
32 Or alternatively, was the Crown’s reliance
on the Confiscation unconscionable or did it result in the Crown being unjustly
enriched or otherwise wrongly profiting from its actions in the Waikato
Wars?
Is the Waiuku Deed voidable for duress, undue influence or is
otherwise an unconscionable bargain?
Introduction33
- [63] The
plaintiffs’ allegation that the climate created by the Waikato Wars gave
rise to duress is particularised in the third
amended statement of claim as
follows:34
(a) waka (including Te Toki-a-Tāpiri) belonging to
Ngāti Te Ata were taken and 21 waka were destroyed (in or around July
1863);
(b) plundering of kāinga (about July and August 1863);
(c) imprisonment of elderly men; and
(d) killings giving rise to the emergence of the hapū known
as “Rangatira Kore”.
- [64] This
provides the framework for consideration of this aspect of the plaintiffs’
claims.
1863 – the backdrop of
war
- [65] On 9 July
1863, Governor Grey issued a notice which was taken by officials to various
Māori settlements in South Auckland
including Māngere, Pukaki,
Ihumātao, Kirikiri, Pōkeno and Tuakau. The notice required Māori
in those settlements
to take an oath of allegiance to the Queen and to hand over
their arms. It warned Māori who refused to sign that they should
withdraw
to the Waikato on the southern side of the Mangatāwhiri River or they would
be removed. The notice was not taken to
Ngāti Te Ata settlements located on
the Āwhitu Peninsula, though I accept Mr Minhinnick’s evidence that
it was likely
some members of Ngāti Te Ata were present at settlements to
which the notice was taken.
33 Both Mr Minhinnick and Mr Parker gave detailed
evidence of events which took place in the lead up to the Waiuku Deed, the
Confiscation
and beyond. I mean no disrespect to either by referring to a small
portion only of their evidence in this and later factual sections
of my
judgment. Given the already lengthy nature of this judgment, I have focussed
only on those factual matters relevant to the
plaintiffs’ pleaded causes
of action.
34 Third amended statement of claim at [24.1].
- [66] Ngāti
Te Ata was viewed at that time as a “friendly” or
“loyal” iwi. For example, Mr Minhinnick
referred to warnings given
by both Ahipene Kaihau and Hori Tauroa (the pre-eminent chiefs of Ngāti Te
Ata at the time) to the
Government in early July 1863 of impending attacks by
Māori, and a desire on the part of the two chiefs to gather together and
protect European settlers at Waiuku.35
- [67] Following
Governor Grey’s notice of 9 July 1863, many Māori residing in the
South Auckland settlements decided to
leave. Soon after, and against the warning
of Waikato (which had laid down an “aukati”, or boundary, at the
Mangatāwhiri
River), troops under General Cameron crossed the River on 12
July 1863.
- [68] I
interpolate to note that in the Waikato Raupatu Claims Settlement Act 1995, the
Crown acknowledged that:36
...its representatives and
advisers acted unjustly and in breach of the Treaty of Waitangi in its dealings
with the Kiingitanga and
Waikato in sending its forces across the Mangataawhiri
in July 1863 and in unfairly labelling Waikato as rebels.
- [69] Returning
to the factual chronology, on 13 July 1863, Ahipene Kaihau and other members of
Ngāti Te Ata moved into the Waiuku
township to protect the European
settlers.
- [70] On 15 July
1863, Governor Grey issued a further notice to “the Chiefs of the
Waikato” which was published in the
New Zealand Gazette. It
referred to the threat to settlements in Waikato and Auckland and
stated:
I now call on all well-disposed Natives to aid the
Lieutenant-General, to establish and maintain those posts, and to preserve peace
and order.
Those who remain peaceably at their own villages in Waikato or
move in such districts as may be pointed out by the Government will
be protected
in their persons, property, and land.
Those who wage war against Her Majesty, or remain in arms,
threatening the lives of Her peaceable subjects, must take the consequences
of
their acts, and
35 Dispatches from Hori Tauroa and Ahipene Kaihau to
Major Speedy (Waiuku Resident Magistrate) on 4 and 5 July 1863 respectively.
Photographs
of Ahipene Kaihau, by all accounts an extremely impressive and
well-respected leader of his time, are reproduced in Schedule Two
to this
judgment.
36 Section 6. As noted earlier, “Waikato” is defined
in s 7 of the Act to include Ngāti Te Ata and claims in relation
to the
Waiuku Block are excluded from the settlement (s 8(2)(b)).
they must understand that they will forfeit the right to the possession of
their lands guaranteed to them by the Treaty of Waitangi,
which lands will be
occupied by a population capable of protecting for the future the quiet and
unoffending from the violence with
which they are now so constantly
threatened.
- [71] I mention
this notice as it makes it clear that the concept of confiscating
“rebel” land was established and already
being communicated at this
time (despite the 1863 Act not being passed until December 1863). Governor
Grey’s notice also provides
some context to later arrangements concerning
the Waiuku Deed, discussed later in this section of my
judgment.
- [72] On 17 July
1863, Crown forces besieged opposing Māori at Meremere. On the same day,
the Colonial Secretary issued instructions
to the Officer Commanding the
Garrison for the “seizure of canoes belonging to hostile natives in the
Manukau”. The instructions
stated that waka were not to be destroyed but
were to be taken to Onehunga. The instructions also suggested that waka
belonging to
Ngāti Te Ata were not to be seized:
Canoes on the North Shore and up the Waiuku Creek, unless known
to belong to hostile tribes [are] not to be interfered with.
- [73] Mr
Minhinnick refers to extracts from “The New Zealand Wars: A History of
the Māori Campaigns and the Pioneering Period”37 as
support for the fact that, despite these instructions, in or around July 1863,
21 large waka belonging to Ngāti Te Ata were
confiscated and destroyed by
the Auckland Naval Volunteers (ANV).
- [74] Mr Parker
doubts the account referred to by Mr Minhinnick is correct, at least in relation
to the timing. Having studied the
text to which Mr Minhinnick refers, Mr
Parker notes that it is based on the recollections of a Mr Henry Parker in 1918,
55 years
after the events in question. Mr Henry Parker was a member of the ANV.
His account, said to be of events in July 1863 and in relation
to Ngāti Te
Ata waka, refers to shots being fired and a Seaman Thomas Barron being hit in
the ankle by a slug from a Māori
gun. However, Mr Parker notes that Seaman
Barron himself applied in 1876 for a New Zealand war medal and described what
had happened
in July 1863,
- James
Cowan The New Zealand Wars: A History of the Maori Campaigns and the
Pioneering Period: Volume I (1845-64) (R.E Owen, Wellington, 1955) at
324.
namely slipping off the Harrier Man of War while trying to tie seized
waka to it and suffering a “severe injury to my leg”. Mr Parker
doubts that incident concerned
Ngāti Te Ata waka, given Henry
Parker’s report indicates the ANV were in the Mangere and Papakura areas
at that time.
Mr Parker also notes a statement by Henry Parker in 1892 in
support of a further application by Seaman Barron for a medal, noting
that
Barron had been shot “while storming of a Māori stronghold in upper
Thames district in the year 1863. He also received
injuries while on service at
Papakura Creek in the same year”.38
- [75] Mr Parker
also refers to a report of 25 July 1863 by the Officer “Commanding
Detachment ANV” describing the expedition
to round up waka from around
Manukau. Mr Parker states:
The report states the detachment was accompanied by a Mr Puckey
(Edward Puckey of the Native Department) and that between 19 to 25
July it had
visited Māngere, Puponga (near Cornwallis on the North Head of the Manukau
Harbour where the expedition spent the
night), Papakura Creek, Pukekohe,
Ihumātao and Oruronga (Orurangi). In all they moved 17 canoes to Onehunga.
The substance of
this report is confirmed by a newspaper account published on 24
July [1863].
- [76] Mr Parker
also considers that confusion has arisen and led to the view that Ngāti Te
Ata waka were destroyed in July 1863
because reports refer to another expedition
of the ANV in November 1863. The source to which Mr Minhinnick
refers39 does not date the expedition, but refers to the flagstaff at
Manukau Heads being cut down by Māori while the expedition was underway.
Mr
Parker confirms that the flagstaff was cut down during the night of 7 November
1863.
- [77] On the
basis of the above evidence, it seems unlikely that a large number of Ngāti
Te Ata waka were seized and destroyed
in or around July 1863. But the report of
the November 1863 expedition nevertheless refers to the taking of waka,
including the “after-portion” (the stern) of Te Toki-a-Tāpiri,
a magnificent Ngāti Te Ata waka now on display at the Auckland Museum. The
report of that expedition states that
38 It nevertheless seems that some, albeit not
necessarily Ngāti Te Ata, waka were destroyed in July 1863, as on 24 July
1863, the
Minister of the Colonial Defence wrote to the Commander of the
Colonial Defence Corps at Ōtāhuhu reprimanding him for allowing
his
men to destroy the waka, being inconsistent with the orders only to seize and
secure them.
39 JC Firth Nation Making: A Story of New Zealand
(Longmans, Green and Co, London, 1890) at 166–175.
with the exception of Te Toki-a-Tāpiri, waka were destroyed. The report
also refers to men under the command of a Captain Lloyd
(who I discuss further
below) conducting an expedition to Āwhitu and taking 16 “old
men” prisoner, most likely being
members of Ngāti Te Ata.40
As to that event, the author of the report, a member of the ANV
expedition, states:
In a couple of days, despatches arrived from head quarters.
Imagine our disgust at being informed that we had attacked a friendly
village!
And that our prisoners were all peaceable and friendly Māoris!!
The Captain was instructed to release his prisoners forthwith,
and restore all the captured property. Whether the thirty muskets were
actually
returned, we had no means of knowing.
- [78] Accordingly,
while not in July 1863 but more likely in November 1863, I am satisfied a number
of Ngāti Te Ata waka were
seized and destroyed. I am also satisfied that,
as pleaded, a number of elderly Ngāti Te Ata men were held prisoner, though
were released some two days later.41
- [79] Turning
back to events earlier in 1863, on 7 August 1863, Edward Puckey (of the Native
Department) reported that a meeting between
Ngāti Te Ata and Ngāti
Tipa had taken place at Waiuku. On 10 August 1863, Pene Te Wharepū (a
Waikato chief) wrote
to Ruihana (a Ngāti Tipa chief) asking Ngāti Tipa
and Ngāti Te Ata to join him at Meremere. Mr Parker states that
at that
time, Māori were building entrenchments at Meremere to resist the Colonial
troops.
- [80] On 15
August 1863, Ahipene Kaihau and Hori Tauroa wrote to Governor Grey informing him
that members of Ngāti Te Ata had
left to “go to Waikato". The letter
is of some importance to matters discussed later in this judgment, so I set out
the relevant
aspects of it in full:
.... The ground of their going was from a letter written by Peno
(Te Wharepu) to Ruihana inviting him to go to him and Ruihana asked
Ngatiteata
to go with him – we both (Ahipene and Hori Tauroa) held them to no
purpose, they would not listen to us.
Ngatiteata had no desire to go but they were allured by men and
deceived - by which their desire to go burst forth. Another cause
was their envy
of us both
40 Other reports refer to nine men being taken
prisoner.
- The
arrest was described in contemporaneous reports as giving rise to “great
bodily fear” on the part of members of Ngāti
Te Ata.
for
the lands which we possess and the monies which are given to us (by the
Government) from that cause they went that you might have
grounds against us to
punish us – then would their hearts be satisfied.
Now O friend our tribe left in an evil way because we listened
to your policy for which we have shut them outside for persisting to
go, and for
their continuing to trample on the law and on your words also.
O friend great is our darkness through their going away –
now they are separated from us and the remainder of the Tribe have
joined
themselves to us
– altogether those who left are 18 men (not counting Ihaia and Ranaira)
and the women who went with them would make the number
thirty, those who remain
with us are thirty men and forty one women numbering together seventy one
– not counting the children
...
- [81] I referred
at [77] above to a certain “Captain Lloyd”. He was in charge of the
militia forces operating around Waiuku,
Mauku and Pukekohe in 1863, and featured
prominently in the evidence given at trial, portrayed as leading his men in a
number of
expeditions which generally harassed Ngāti Te Ata and plundered
its property. He was described “as perhaps a little mad”
by one
military volunteer’s later account of his time under his
command.
- [82] Captain
Lloyd was notified of his commission as a Captain in the militia on 3 August
1863 and arrived two days later in Waiuku
to take up his duties.42
The evidence seems tolerably clear that he caused a number of problems in
the area in the second half of 1863, which led to various
complaints about his
and his men’s conduct, from both Māori and Government agents
alike.
- [83] The Crown
does not strongly dispute that some of Captain Lloyd’s expeditions likely
involved interactions with Ngāti
Te Ata (and other local Māori) and in
some cases (particularly in November 1863) property being taken or destroyed.
For example:
(a) On 16 August 1863 (the day after Ahipene Kaihau and Hori
Tauroa informed Governor Grey that some Ngāti Te Ata had joined
Waikato),
Captain Lloyd’s expedition to the north bank of the Waikato River
- There
was some debate at the hearing as to when he actually took up his command, but I
have not found it necessary to resolve that
particular
matter.
resulted in two pigs belonging to Ahipene Kaihau being killed. Captain
Lloyd’s own report of the expedition records:
Ahipene a chief of this place who has not joined the Rebels
expresses his great dissatisfaction at my men having marched along the
coast
towards Waikato Heads.
I regret to say two wild pigs were killed by my party which has
caused complaint to be made by that chief – and who has been
to the
Resident Magistrate concerning the same. On hearing of which I directed that
they should be paid for.
(b) Around 20 August 1863, Captain Lloyd’s expedition to
the south bank of the Waikato River resulted in waka being destroyed
and
property being confiscated. This led to the Resident Magistrate of the Lower
Waikato making a written complaint to FD Fenton
of the Colonial Defence Office
about Captain Lloyd’s activities. On 27 August 1863, Thomas Russell, the
Minister for Colonial
Defence, annotated the letter of complaint as follows:
Referred to General Galloway, who is about to visit Waiuku.
If Capt Lloyd has been guilty of the acts of folly described in
this letter, I don’t think him fit to hold the position he now
has at
Waiuku & Gen. Galloway will be supported by the Government in whatever
course he may see fit to take upon the investigation
of this case at Waiuku.
(c) Captain Lloyd strongly refuted the allegations. They were
duly investigated by General Galloway, who generally found Captain Lloyd
to have
followed his instructions, though observed that he had “displayed a little
too much energy”.43
(d) On 24 October 1863, Puckey wrote to the Native Department
stating that Captain Lloyd had destroyed waka belonging to “friendly
Māori”. On 27 October 1863, the Native Secretary replied and informed
him that if it was found that the waka belonged
to friendly Māori, they
were to be paid for.
- It
is not known whether Ahipene Kaihau, Hori Tauroa or any other members of
Ngāti Te Ata were aware that Captain Lloyd’s
actions were
investigated at this time.
(e) Expeditions in early November 1863
(including that discussed at [78] above) involved entering a whare and
property being
taken. On 6 November 1863, Puckey forwarded to the Native
Department a list of property belonging to “friendly Māori”
which he said had been destroyed by volunteers under Captain Lloyd’s
command. A newspaper report of the time described events
as follows:
The ‘Lady Barkley’ then proceeded to Waiuku, where
she arrived on Tuesday morning. The object of the visit being to remove
any
canoes lying in the creeks. The same day, the brigade, assisted by a part of the
Waiuku force, under Captain Lloyd, secured a
number of canoes belonging to the
Waiuku natives. This step the natives do not object to; but they allege that
their whares were
entered by the men, and clothing and other property carried
away. It is certain that other articles besides canoes came under the
inspection
of the men, and that Captain Lloyd ordered the men under his charge to leave the
articles in their places. The civil and
native authorities intended to institute
a search on board the steamer today, in order to ascertain if the allegations,
of property
having been carried away, were true; but the very gusty afternoon
has, I believe, delayed their intention. The natives have not made
any
unpleasant demonstration on the matter, but they are apprehensive that if the
distinction between their property and rebel property
becomes overlooked, the
distinction between their persons and those of rebels will be overlooked.
(f) On 7 November 1863, Hori Tauroa wrote to Puckey asking for
the return of one of the waka taken by the Lady Barkley and complaining
about
damages to property caused by the volunteers. On 17 November 1863, Captain Lloyd
was instructed by his superiors that one of
the seized waka was to be given up
to Hori Tauroa (though no mention was made of the complaints regarding damage to
property).
(g) On 9 November 1863, Puckey left Waiuku at the suggestion of
the “native chiefs”, and accompanied by 20 armed Māori
visited
the deserted settlements at Ruhina “on the Waikato, near the heads”.
During this expedition, they found a large
number of waka and destroyed 17 of
them belonging to “friendly Māori” and two belonging to
“hostile Māori”.
Mr Parker notes that in probable response to
those actions, on 13 November 1863, the Resident Magistrate at Waiuku wrote to
the Native
Department noting that the “friendly natives wish
to know what measures the Government intends to take to prevent any more
ill-treatment befalling them”.
(h) On 18 November 1863, the Minister of the Colonial Defence
ordered Major General Galloway to write to Captain Lloyd informing him
of the
complaints and that the Government was determined to investigate them. Captain
Lloyd was later ordered to go to Auckland to
answer to the
complaints.44
(i) Also on 18 November 1863, Puckey wrote to the Native
Department stating that the friendly Māori remained afraid following
the
arrest of some of them. Further correspondence followed on 5 December 1863
concerning the property and arrest.
(j) On 19 December 1863, the Resident Magistrate, Waiuku,
reported to the Native Department and enclosed a letter from Ahipene Kauhau
stating his men would assist in taking waka to Mangatāwhiri.
- [84] Also over
this period, the evidence demonstrates shared concern by those members of
Ngāti Te Ata remaining at Waiuku and
Government agents in relation to a
threatened attack on Waiuku or the surrounding areas:
(a) On 6 September 1863, Ahipene Kaihau received a warning that
300 to 400 hostile Māori were planning an attack on Mauku, Pukekohe
and
Tuakau. Ahipene Kaihau passed this news to Puckey, who in turn passed it to
Captain Lloyd.
(b) On 18 September 1863, Puckey reported that Ngāti Te Ata
wanted arms and ammunition and that he believed an attack on Waiuku
was
imminent.
- Again,
it is unknown whether Ahipene Kaihau, Hori Tauroa or any other members of
Ngāti Te Ata were aware of this at the time.
(c) On 19
September 1863, Captain Lloyd reported that Hori Tauroa had come to his aid with
a party of armed men and had warned him
there were 400 hostile Māori
waiting for the opportunity to attack Waiuku.
The lead up to the Waiuku
Deed
- [85] The land
which was the subject of the Waiuku Deed comprised what were then known as the
Waiuku North and South Blocks. I discuss
in more detail below the precise land
area the subject of the purchase, but for present purposes, it is sufficient to
note that the
two Blocks broadly covered all of the Āwhitu Peninsula
(excluding areas which had already been purchased by the
Crown).
- [86] There is no
contemporaneous (direct) evidence of the particular basis upon which the Waiuku
North and South Blocks were purchased
by the Crown in November 1864 and then
confiscated one month later in any event. This is a confusing aspect of the
history of the
Crown’s acquisition of the land, and an example of the
impact the effluxion of time has on establishing precisely what occurred.
Nevertheless, to attempt to put these events in context, it is necessary to
trace through what does remain of the contemporaneous
record about the lead up
to the Waiuku Deed and subsequent Confiscation.
- [87] A useful
starting point is perhaps late July 1863, when Alfred Domett, the Colonial
Secretary, wrote to the Superintendent of
Auckland Province informing him that
it was the Government’s intention to bring a large number of men in from
Australia and
elsewhere as military settlers, to form settlements along the
frontier on land taken from Māori then considered to be in rebellion.
Domett stated that:
The formation of such a line of settlements will probably
require the acquisition of some lands, the property of friendly Natives,
which must be bought in the usual way.
(emphasis added)
- [88] In
parallel, plans leading to the enactment of the 1863 Act progressed. In his
opening speech to Parliament in October 1863,
and echoing the contents of the
notice
published in the New Zealand Gazette on 15 July 1863, Governor Grey
referred to measures to prevent any attack on Auckland and neighbouring
settlements:45
...[t]he Ministers accordingly undertook to be responsible for
the adoption of a plan of operations for the defence of the district
about
Auckland which I had proposed to them and for the occupation by military
settlers of the land of hostile Natives in its neighbourhood...
- [89] It appears
that negotiations with Ngāti Te Ata about a possible acquisition of land on
the Āwhitu Peninsula had begun
in early 1864.46 An instruction
from Charles Heaphy (the Chief Surveyor to the General Government) to a surveyor
in March 1864 referred to “the
land about to be purchased at
Waiuku”. Heaphy’s instructions included the laying out of roads to
join roads already laid
out in land on the Āwhitu Peninsula already
purchased by the Crown. Mr Parker stated it was unlikely the Crown would have
been
able to survey lines of roads on the Waiuku Blocks without the agreement of
loyal Ngāti Te Ata members. Mr Minhinnick agreed.
- [90] A further
indication that negotiations were taking place during the first half of 1864 is
that some members of Ngāti Te
Ata requested advances, more land and Crown
grants in the period leading up to the Waiuku Deed. By way of
example:
(a) There were a number of applications for advances of monies
“on account of land” over the period February 1864 to July
1864.
(b) On 3 August 1864, Paora Te Iwi (one of the vendors under the
Waiuku Deed)47 wrote a letter summarised in the Native Department
correspondence Register as “one thousand acres of land will not satisfy
him”.
(c) Also on 3 August 1864, the Register of inwards
correspondence to the Native Department (the Register) records a letter
summarised
as “the
45 (October 21 1863) D NZPD 735.
46 Mr Minhinnick accepted in cross-examination that negotiations
leading to the November 1864 Waiuku Deed had been conducted over a long
period
of time.
47 Mr Minhinnick noted that Paora Te Iwi also belonged to
Ngāti Tamaoho, but was a vendor under the Deed by reason of whakapapa
(genealogical ties) to Ngāti Te Ata. Ahipene Kaihau also married Paora Te
Iwi’s daughter, Te Rangi.
Waiuku natives want four thousand acres instead of three thousand. Asking for
increase of Pension as he has 62 people to feed”.
(d) On 6 August 1863, the Register records correspondence from
Hori Tauroa summarised as “wants more land”.
(e) On 23 August 1863, the Register records correspondence from
Ahipene Kaihau summarised as “wishes 1000 acres of the land
arranged for
by Mr Turton to be returned to him”.48
(f) On 24 August 1864, the Register records a letter from Hori
Tauroa, summarised as “Hori Tauroa applying for 1200 acres of
land in
addition to the proposed arrangement of Mr Turton”.
- [91] Mr
Minhinnick agreed that these matters indicated, at least in a “general
sense”, a negotiation of the sale and purchase
of
land.
- [92] A document
written in or around May 1864, most likely by Frederick Whitaker, the then
Premier and Attorney General, provides
additional context and perhaps explains
the interaction between the Waiuku Deed and the subsequent Confiscation. The
document recorded
the following:
The arrangement made with Ahipene Kaihau and his party was
this.
The whole block of land at Waiuku to be surveyed & the
necessary & convenient roads laid off. The land then to [illegible]
divided
into convenient Lot[s] for sale and occupation. Ahipene & his party to be
allowed to select out of their own land such
Lot[s] as they require for their
own use & to receive Crown grants. The Rebel land to belong to the
Government & Ahipene
& party to be paid for all the land belonging to
them which they do not require for their own use & give up to the
Government.
FW
- [93] On 5 May
1864, Thomas Russell, the Minister of Colonial Defence, requested that Heaphy
“divide the whole Waiuku Block into
convenient lots for sale and
occupation [and] to lay off necessary and convenient
roads”.
- Henry
Turton was Commissioner for the Investigation of Native Title, and was involved
in negotiating the Waiuku Deed with the Ngāti
Te Ata vendors.
- [94] Also in
early May 1864, Henry Turton was appointed Commissioner for the Investigation of
Native Title. One of his assignments
was to negotiate the purchase of the Waiuku
Blocks. On 25 June 1864, he reported on a visit he had made to Waikato Heads to
acquire
information about the “Waiuku Block”, which had revealed
what he considered might be a valid claim by Ngāti Tipa
to the southern
portion of the Block. Turton also reported on discussions he had with Ahipene
Kaihau and Hori Tauroa at this time
to:
...arrange with them for a final meeting of the whole tribe at
Waiuku. They would like to have the question settled, with themselves
alone, at
Auckland, without regard to the rest of the Tribe: but to that proposal I would
not agree, for a moment, and therefore
obliged them to consent to meet me on the
ground, with the rest of the people, as soon as possible....
As soon as Mr Rogan has returned from Whangarei (if in the
meantime I shall have heard from W Marshall, of Waikato), I shall request
of the
Government that he may be allowed to accompany me to Waiuku, for the final
settlement of the case, since he has been associated
with the whole transaction
from the commencement.
In the meantime, I will search out, & look over the various
Maps, Papers etc to be found in the Public Offices, in reference to
that Block,
so as to enable me to recommend to the Government a reasonable and equitable sum
to be paid over to the non-belligerents
of the Ngatiteata Tribe...
- [95] Newspaper
reports of 1 August 1864 referred to Turton and Rogan’s visits and gave
the impression negotiations for the purchase
were largely complete (referencing
land to be purchased, land to be confiscated, land to be excluded from the
purchase and prices
to be paid). But on 13 October 1864, the Acting Native
Secretary sent a reply to what he referred to as a “private letter”
from Turton, stating:
...in reply to inform you that as the Natives appear to be so
exorbitant and unreasonable, the Government will not at present go on
with the
purchase.
- [96] Neither Mr
Minhinnick nor Mr Parker were able to locate Mr Turton’s “private
letter” or any other correspondence
relating to it. The broader context to
this correspondence is therefore unknown.49 Mr Minhinnick accepted,
however, that the letter reflected a negotiation that was “hard
fought”.
49 It is also not known whether the terms upon which
the Waiuku Deed was entered into were the same or similar to those for which
the
vendors were pushing in October 1864, or whether they were inferior.
The Waiuku Deed
- [97] The Waiuku
Deed was entered into on 2 November 1864.
- [98] Before
turning to the terms of the Deed itself, it is helpful to show how the land
purchased under it corresponded with the land
confiscated a month
later.
- [99] The Waiuku
Deed covered the entire Āwhitu Peninsula as shown by the boundaries in the
map below:
- [100] While
strictly being within the boundaries of the land the subject of the Waiuku Deed,
the Deed stated that land which had already
been acquired by the Crown was not
subject to its terms. This included the larger blocks to the north of the
Peninsula, referred
to in the above map as the “Manukau” and
“Ramaroa and Opoia” blocks. A
smaller block not shown on the above map, referred to as “Dalziel’s
Purchase”, had also already been purchased
by the Crown.
- [101] For
convenience, the area of land confiscated in December 1864 is replicated
below:
- [102] As can be
seen, once those areas already purchased by the Crown are removed, the land
acquired under the Waiuku Deed in November
1864 and then confiscated in December
1864 was the same.
- [103] Turning to
the terms of the Waiuku Deed itself, it recorded that it was a “full and
final sale conveyance and surrender
by us the Chiefs and People of the Tribe
Ngatiteata whose names are hereunto subscribed”, and was signed by 30
individual
members of Ngāti Te Ata.50 The memorandum attached to the Deed
listed 15 reserves, or “places of abode”, totalling some 5,153 acres
and stated “[these]
are the lands which have been agreed upon as places of
abode for the tribe, that is, for such of them as have not been engaged in
rebellion”. The Deed also listed the “burying grounds”
(wāhi tapu) totalling nearly 1,254 acres, which were
excluded from the
sale.
- [104] Once the
Manukau, Ramaroa and Opoia blocks are removed from the total land area, as well
as Dalziel’s Purchase, the area
of the habitation reserves and the
wāhi tapu areas, the total land area purchased under the Waiuku Deed was
37,444 acres.
- [105] The price
to be paid for the land was £5,250. This equated to 2 shillings and nine
pence per acre.51 The Waiuku Deed states that a total amount of
£1,287.7 was to be paid upon execution and that £812.13 had already
been advanced
to the vendors, bringing the total first instalment to
£2,100. The balance was to be paid in annual equal instalments of
£1,050
in 1865, 1866 and 1867.
- [106] The Deed
went on to provide as follows:
- If
any person shall hereafter arise, asserting that a portion of this land belongs
to him, and if his claim be proved to be correct,
his demand shall be settled
out of the Purchase money above named. But this will have no reference to the
persons who continue in
rebellion, nor to the Ngatitipa in regard of their claim
on the Awaroa. It will be for the Government to arrange with
them.
- [107] The
reference to Ngāti Tipa was clearly a reference to Turton’s discovery
of a claim by Ngāti Tipa as noted
in the correspondence discussed at [94]
above.
- [108] Clause 5
of the Deed stated:
- The
lands above recounted and which have been surveyed as perpetual residence for
the people, and which are described on the plan
annexed, shall be settled by a
Crown Grant upon the Ngatiteata and their children in
50 This included Ahipene Kaihau, Hori Tauroa, Hemi
Manu and Paora Te Iwi, the latter discussed at fn 47 above. Mr Minhinnick also
notes
that another of the vendors was Te Hira Kawau, who descended from
Ngāti Whātua whakapapa. But his grandmother belonged
to Ngāti Te
Ata, being the daughter of the Ngāti Te Ata chief Te Horeta. Mr Minhinnick
accordingly concludes that all thirty
signatories were either chiefs or people
of Ngāti Te Ata.
51 Mr Minhinnick calculated 2 shillings and 6 pence per acre,
though this did not exclude Dalziel’s purchase or the habitation
reserves
and wāhi tapu. There was no suggestion, however, anything turned on the
slight difference.
perpetuity. But the Crown Grants to Aihipene Kaihau, to Hori Tauroa, and to
Parora te Iwi, for the five hundred acres (500 acres)
granted to them, shall be
conveyed to them personally (i.e. by Special Grant).
- [109] The
proposed Crown grants therefore distinguished between those to be for “the
people” and personal grants to Ahipene
Kaihau, Hori Tauroa and Parora te
Iwi.
The
Confiscation
- [110] Little
contemporaneous material remains about the Confiscation
itself.
- [111] On 17
December 1864, Governor Grey issued a proclamation announcing that he would
retain and hold as Crown land all the land
in the Waikato that had been taken by
Crown forces. This included all land north of the Waikato River to the Manukau
and Waitematā
Harbours belonging to rebel
Māori.52
- [112] On 29
December 1864, the Executive Council met with Governor Grey in attendance. The
minutes of the meeting record:53
The Colonial Secretary brought under consideration the disposal
of lands of Natives believed to have been in rebellion.
Resolved. That within the boundaries proclaimed by the Governor
in his Proclamation of 17th of December 1864, the lands of all
Natives believed to have been implicated in the Rebellion shall by Proclamations
from time to time
issued by the Governor be brought under the provisions of the
New Zealand Settlements Act.
...
The Attorney General submitted for approval an Order in Council
bringing under operation of New Zealand Settlements Act 1863 Lands,
as Sites,
for Military Settlements and Colonization purposes agreeably to the provisions
of the said Act.
Schedule. 1. Military Settlements
- Patumahoe
- Pukekohe
- Pokeno
- Tuakau
52 There is no suggestion this proclamation alone
effected a confiscation.
53 The date of the Gazette was added when the minutes were
confirmed on 5 January 1865.
- Waiuku
North
- Waiuku
South
- Tuimata
Which was approved of and ordered accordingly as printed in
Gazette No.1 January 5th 1865.
(emphasis added)
Events following the Waiuku Deed
and Confiscation
- [113] On 13
January 1865, Joseph Newman (appointed to manage the settlement of the Waikato
confiscated lands) reported to the Superintendent
of the Province that 220
immigrant settlers had arrived at Waipipi (north of Waiuku on the Āwhitu
Peninsula) on 9 January 1865,
and that he had heard from the Resident
Magistrate’s interpreter that “our movement is looked upon with
favour by the
friendly natives”. He stated that he and his party had also
located an area at Maioro on which he intended to place 150 immigrants
arriving
on a vessel named the Reiheisting.
- [114] On 21
January 1865, Ahipene Kaihau and Hori Tauroa wrote two letters to Major Speedy,
the Resident Magistrate at Waiuku. The
first requested 500 acres of land be set
aside for a number of people who Mr Parker infers were possibly returned
“rebels”
(given the letter referred to a suggested location of the
land so Ahipene Kaihau and Hori Tauroa could watch over them). The second
letter
asked for 200 acres of land to be made available for “Perereka” and
his wife. Speedy annotated the letter that
he had told Ahipene Kaihau and Hori
Tauroa that their application for large amounts of land “for their friends
who have been
in arms against the Govt’ was unreasonable” and that
he recommended a small quantity be set aside for those Māori
who had lost
their land through confiscation.
- [115] On 20
April 1865, Heaphy wrote to Charles Knight, the Auditor of the Public Accounts,
who had been tasked with reporting on
the progress of the surveys of the Waikato
and South Auckland confiscated land. Heaphy enclosed schedules of land available
for cash
sales to settlers. One of those schedules was
titled:
Schedule of Allotments available for sale in the Block of Land
recently purchased from the Ngatiteata tribe, Waiuku West – Maioro
Block.
- [116] On 13 May
1865, Heaphy publicly announced that land within the Maioro and Waipipi blocks
would be offered for sale by public
auction on 17 June 1865. Crown grants were
later issued to European purchasers of land within the confiscated area. This
includes
land now within the north-eastern border of Maioro (or what is today
the Waiuku State Forest). A map showing some of the land sold
by Crown grants in
the area is below:54
- [117] Between
February and October 1865, £980 was advanced by the Crown to members of
Ngāti Te Ata on account of the £1,050
instalment of the Waiuku Deed
purchase price due on 2 November 1865.
54 The areas marked Lots 97, 98, 99 and 100 are the
four wāhi tapu at issue in these proceedings.
Compensation Court
- [118] Pursuant
to s 8 of the 1863 Act, the Compensation Court was established in January 1865
to investigate claims to confiscated
land by Māori who had not been engaged
in rebellion against the Crown.
- [119] On 31
January 1865, a notice was published (in English and Māori) in the New
Zealand Gazette requesting people who had claims to land within the eight
blocks the subject of the Confiscation (thus including the Waiuku North
and
South Blocks) to forward written claims to the Colonial Secretary within six
months of the issue of the Order in Council confiscating
the land. The notice
stated that compensation would not be granted to those who had been engaged in
rebellion (in accordance with
s 5 of the 1863 Act).
- [120] The first
claims for compensation were heard by the Compensation Court in April 1865. The
Court completed its investigations
into claims arising from the Confiscation at
the end of April 1866.
- [121] No claims
concerning the Waiuku North or South Blocks were submitted to the Court,
although Ahipene Kaihau and Hori Tauroa (and
some others from Ngāti Te Ata)
did lodge claims in relation to other blocks which had been the subject of the
Confiscation.
Crown grants
- [122] In March
1865, Hori Tauroa wrote to the Chief Judge of the Compensation Court (Fenton CJ)
requesting Crown grants of his land
at Waiuku. On 22 March 1865, Fenton CJ
informed the Native Department that the Waiuku grants needed to be issued
immediately. In
April 1865, Fenton CJ informed the Native Department that Turton
was at Waiuku collecting the information required in order for Crown
grants to
be prepared.
- [123] In May and
June 1865, Fenton CJ forwarded tracings of the land set apart for Māori in
the “Waiuku Block”. On
11 October 1865, Fenton CJ wrote to the
Colonial Secretary requesting that the Waiuku grants be issued as soon as
possible.
- [124] It will be
recalled that the Waiuku Deed envisaged that the habitation reserves would be
revested in the former owners by way
of Crown grants. The Deed did not expressly
address whether Crown grants would be issued for the wāhi tapu areas within
the
Blocks, which were excluded from the sale under the Deed but
included in the land the subject of the Confiscation. Nevertheless, on 21
October 1865, 34 grants were issued, including for most of the wāhi
tapu
areas. I will refer to these collectively as the “October 1865
grants”. Nine of the October 1865 grants expressly
stated they were issued
“in trust”. These did not include the grants for the four wāhi
tapu areas at issue in these
proceedings. Those grants were issued to the same
seven grantees, six of whom were stated in the grants to belong to Ngāti Te
Ata and one who was stated to belong to Ngāti Tamaoho.55 I
return to developments concerning the October 1865 grants later in this
narrative.
Waiuku No 3 Deed
- [125] On 1
January 1867, a further deed was created to record the payment of the purchase
price under the Waiuku Deed. That later
deed became known as the “Waiuku
No.3 Deed”. It recorded that a total £4,200 had been paid to the
vendors under
the Waiuku Deed to that point, and that a further £1,050 was
to be paid by the Crown on 2 November 1867. The No 3 Deed stated
that
“there are other arrangements respecting the lands reserved for our
use” which were recorded on an attachment marked
“A”. The
attachment listed the same habitation reserves and wāhi tapu areas as
listed in the memorandum attached
to the Waiuku
Deed.56
Issue of new grants in 1878
- [126] Difficulties
in relation to the October 1865 grants appeared to have emerged fairly quickly,
with the result that new grants
were issued in 1878 to replace
them.
55 Ahipene Kaihau, Hori Tauroa, Hemi Manu, Erueti
Punui, Paora Katipa and Paora Katuhi, all of whom are said in the grants to
belong
to Ngāti Te Ata, and Paora Te Iwi, said in the grants to belong to
Ngāti Tamaoho.
56 As noted, nine of the October 1865 grants were expressly
stated to be “in trust”. In attachment A to the Waiuku No 3 Deed
those grants which had not been issued expressly on trust had a
particular name recorded next to them. The attachment also recorded the
“special grants”
to Ahipene Kaihau, Hori Tauraoa and Paora Te
Iwi.
- [127] Mr Parker
addressed the issues which had arisen in some detail in his evidence. For
present purposes, a report by Heaphy in
1872 gives a flavour of the
difficulties:57
After the confiscation of the Waikato lands, Crown grants were
given to the loyal Natives of the Ngatiteata Tribe for very extensive
blocks of
land, out of the territory so taken, at the West Waiuku, between the Waikato and
Manukau Harbours. These grants were issued
in pursuance of recommendations made
by Mr. Commissioner Turton, and were confirmed by “The Friendly
Natives’ Contracts
Confirmation Act, 1866.”
The grants conveyed the land in some cases absolutely to several
Natives, and in others in Trust to the Chiefs for the loyal Natives
of the
tribe. The interests in the lands were of a very varying character; occasionally
the grantees were almost the sole owners,
while in other cases, they possessed
but a moderate interest in the land. Some of the lands were for cultivation,
some were wāhi- tapu, and some were fishing-stations, or
landing-places.
From not understanding, in some cases, the nature of the
responsibility attaching to the Trusts, and in others from cupidity, the
grantees mismanaged the administration of these lands. They are stated to have
illegally sold some, and to have misappropriated the
rents of other of the
reserves.
Under these circumstances they applied to the Government to
extricate them from their difficulties, which had reached to such a height
that
the grantees, whose acts were loudly complained of by the inferior owners, were
themselves anxious to hand over the Estates
to Government Agents, for partition,
either of area or interest, among the parties entitled to share in the
respective grants.
With this in view, 103 pieces of land are being handed over by
the Natives interested, in Trust, to Mr. John White and myself. This
refers to
the lands for which there are absolute grants. Where the Grants are in trust to
the Chiefs, the latter are giving their
consent to such an allocation of the
land as will admit the inferior men, whose interests were being ignored, and are
asking the
Commissioner of Reserves to act on their own behalf. This work,
which Mr. John White appears to carrying out in satisfaction of
the Natives of
both interests, will be very tedious, and will further involve some expense in
surveying.
- [128] Heaphy’s
annual report of 1874 indicates that the issues remained unresolved and that it
was proposed that some of the
reserves would be subdivided. From Heaphy’s
1875 report, it appeared that all owners bar two had agreed to the subdivision.
By the end of May 1876, Heaphy reported that plans for the Waiuku grants were
ready and that legislation was required.
- Though
not all of the details in this report are accurate; for example, it does not
take into account the Waiuku Deed, which pre-dated the
Confiscation.
- [129] The Waiuku
Native Grants Act 1876 was enacted on 14 October 1876. The preamble to the Act
stated that Crown grants listed in
the first schedule to the Act (including the
four wāhi tapu at issue in these proceedings) had been executed under the
1863
Act and The Friendly Natives’ Contracts Confirmation Act 1866 to 18
Māori “as trustees for their tribes and hapus
[sic]”, and that
it was intended that “thereafter” the land would be subdivided and
apportioned among the people
entitled to the land. It also recorded that the
consent of three trustees had not been obtained to the new arrangements, but
that
none of them had taken part in any of the trusts to which they had been
appointed.
- [130] The second
schedule to the Act listed 38 proposed Crown grants, including in relation to
the four wāhi tapu areas, but
the names of the proposed grantees were not
the same as those set out in the original October 1865 grants as listed in the
first
schedule.
- [131] An Order
in Council was issued on 11 May 1877 pursuant to s 2 of the Waiuku Native Grants
Act 1876, stating that the Crown grants
listed in the first schedule of the Act
were to be cancelled and to have no effect from 1 June 1877. A second Order in
Council was
issued on 4 June 1877. It listed the restrictions on alienation to
apply to nine of the new Crown grants to be issued, including
those for the four
wāhi tapu areas at Maioro. The notice also listed the names of the proposed
grantees. For three of the four
wāhi tapu areas at Maioro, it stated the
owners were to hold the land as tenants in common in equal shares. There was no
record
of the type of estate to be held by Hori Tauroa who was listed as the
sole owner of the fourth wāhi tapu.
- [132] The new
grants (which I refer to in the balance of this judgment as the 1878 Crown
Grants) were signed by the Governor on 18
February 1878. Consistent with the
position set out in the 4 June 1877 Order in Council, the grantees for three of
the wāhi
tapu, namely Te Papawhero, Te Kuo and Tangitanginga, were to hold
them as tenants in common (and their heirs and assigns forever)
in equal shares.
The sole grantee of the fourth wāhi tapu, Waiaraponia (Hori Tauroa) was to
hold it for himself and his heirs
and assigns forever. All the grants were
antedated to 21 October 1865 (the date of the original October 1865
grants).
Later events
- [133] Mr Parker
said that he had found very little information relating to Maioro in the period
immediately following the 1878 Crown
Grants.
- [134] In
February 1906, a local newspaper reported that settlers had been granted a lease
by the Auckland Crown Lands Board of 40
acres on the north side of the Waikato
River for the purpose of a paddock for cattle in transit. That land was located
within Maioro
directly opposite Port Waikato.58
- [135] On March
1908, the Auckland Crown Lands Board approved a proposal to set apart an area of
Crown land on the northern head of
the Waikato River within “Maioro”
for a landing or stock reserve.
- [136] In 1909,
the Auckland office of the Department of Lands and Survey recommended that 100
acres of the Crown land at Maioro be
reserved for a landing place (pursuant to s
321 of the Land Act 1908). That recommendation was later altered to a request
for a stock
resting reserve of just over 66 acres and a landing reserve of 15
acres. In November 1909, the two sites were temporarily reserved
under s 321 of
the Land Act 1908 as a stock resting place and as a landing place. Shortly
afterward they were both permanently reserved.
Mr Parker observes that
“the grant of the lease and the creation of these reserves indicate
movement of stock between the north
and south Waikato Heads”. A map
showing these allotments is replicated below:
58 See the map at [116], which shows an area of
Maioro as being “leased”.
- [137] Against
this factual background, I turn to the plaintiffs’ claims that the Waiuku
Deed is voidable for duress, undue influence
and/or was an unconscionable
bargain.
Claims of vitiated consent –
a preliminary observation
- [138] Common to
the plaintiffs’ claims to impugn the Waiuku Deed for vitiated consent is
the difficulty inherent in the Court
being asked to examine such matters nearly
160 years after the event and without all relevant evidence being
available.
- [139] As the
High Court of Australia explained in Thorne v
Kennedy:59
In any case where a transaction is sought to be impugned by the
operation of vitiating factors such as duress, undue influence, or
unconscionable conduct, it is necessary for a trial judge to conduct a
“close consideration of the facts”.
(footnotes omitted)
- [140] In a
similar vein, in Jenyns v Public Curator (Qld), Dixon CJ, McTiernan and
Kitto JJ stated that the application of the equitable principles concerning
unconscionable conduct:60
59 Thorne v Kennedy [2017] HCA 49, (2017) 263
CLR 85 at [41]. See similar observations of the (New Zealand) Court of Appeal in
Green v Green [2016] NZCA 486, [2017] 2 NZLR 321 at [26]– [34].
60 Jenyns v Public Curator (Qld) [1953] HCA 2; (1953) 90 CLR 113 at
118.
...calls for a precise examination of the particular facts, a scrutiny of the
exact relations established between the parties and
a consideration of the
mental capacities, processes and idiosyncrasies of the [other party].
- [141] The High
Court in Thorne v Kennedy also commented on the known advantages enjoyed
by a trial judge when making factual findings on such claims, reflecting the
trial
judge being able to hear and see the witnesses concerned. The Court of
Appeal in Green v Green, a case of undue influence, made similar
observations.61 And in Louth v Diprose, Toohey J stated that
the “formidable obstacles” involved in an attack on findings of fact
by a trial judge “may
be enhanced where issues of undue influence and
unconscionability are involved”.62 These observations all
reinforce the fact-intensive nature of such claims and the benefits of seeing
and hearing the witnesses involved.
- [142] In this
case, and despite the broad (and lengthy) factual background set out above, the
evidence of the detailed discussions
and relationships between the parties to
the Waiuku Deed is scant to say the least. And self-evidently no witnesses to
the events
in question are now available to give evidence. For these reasons,
this case is very different in my view to cases such as Wakatū,
where the relevant facts could largely be drawn from a reasonably comprehensive
documentary record.63
Duress – legal
principles
- [143] There was
no debate as to the legal test for duress.
- [144] As the
Court of Appeal explained in McIntyre v Nemesis DBK Ltd, there are two
key elements to such a claim:64
(a) first, there must be exertion of illegitimate pressure on a
victim; and
61 Green v Green [2016] NZCA 486, [2017] 2
NZLR 321 at [31].
62 Louth v Diprose [1992] HCA 61; (1992) 175 CLR 621 at 649–650, as
referred to in Thorne v Kennedy [2017] HCA 49, (2017) 263 CLR 85 at
[42].
63 Professor David Williams, a Professor Emeritus and Research
Fellow at Auckland University (and legal history expert witness for the
appellants in the High Court in Wakatū), states in his article
“Fiduciary Duty Remedies Stripped of Historical Encumbrances” [2019]
NZ L Rev 39 at 43 that “there
was little serious dispute about the facts
in Wakatū even though most occurred in the first decade of colonial
rule more than 170 years ago”.
64 McIntyre v Nemesis DKB Ltd [2009] NZCA 329, [2010] 1
NZLR 463 at [20].
(b) second, the imposition of that pressure must have compelled the victim to
enter the contract (that is, there was coercion in fact).
- [145] As to
the first requirement, pressure alone is not sufficient. In Barton
v Armstrong, Lord Wilberforce and Lord Simon of Glaisdale
stated:65
...in life... many acts are done under pressure, sometimes
overwhelming pressure, so that one can say that the actor had no choice
but to
act. Absence of choice in this sense does not negate consent in law: for this
the pressure must be one of a kind which the
law does not regard as
legitimate.
- [146] The
pressure must therefore be illegitimate. The test is not rigid.
Generally, however, a threat to carry out unlawful action will be
illegitimate.66 Conversely, illegitimate pressure can encompass
otherwise lawful actions.67
- [147] Assuming
there is illegitimate pressure, a plaintiff must establish coercion in fact.
Factors relevant to this element largely
focus on the availability of
alternatives.
Other relevant factors are whether the person said to have been
coerced:68
(a) did or did not protest;
(b) was independently advised; or
(c) after entering the contract, took steps to avoid it.
- [148] If the
result of the above analysis demonstrates there was illegitimate pressure which
compelled the victim to enter a contract,
the Court will then need to consider
whether the victim has affirmed the contract.
Duress – discussion
- [149] I am not
persuaded the plaintiffs’ case for duress has been made
out.
65 Barton v Armstrong [1976] AC 104 (PC).
66 McIntyre v Nemesis DKB Ltd [2009] NZCA 329, [2010] 1
NZLR 463 at [30].
67 At [26]–[32].
68 At [68].
- [150] As a
preliminary point, the plaintiffs advanced their arguments on the basis the
vendors under the Waiuku Deed were to be treated
as a collective group,
effectively by reference to the whole of Ngāti Te Ata as an iwi. I accept,
however, the Crown’s
submission that the evidence does not support this
approach.
- [151] The Waiuku
Deed was signed by thirty individual members of Ngāti Te Ata. The factual
narrative and the terms of the Deed
itself69 suggest each party who
was a signatory to the Deed signed in their capacity as a member of the
Ngāti Te Ata iwi who was not involved
in rebellion, rather than as a
collective group for the entire iwi. The Chiefs also appeared to sign in
a slightly different capacity, as reflected in the terms of the special Crown
grants which
were subsequently issued to them.
- [152] Whether
each individual’s consent to enter into the Deed was vitiated by duress is
a separate question from the capacity in which each individual entered
the Deed. I do not consider the question of whether consent to enter an
agreement is vitiated for
duress can be considered at a
“representative” or “global” level. Rather, the Court
must consider whether
an individual’s consent to enter an agreement was
vitiated separately from the capacity in which they did so. But even if that
were not so, the plaintiffs’ pleaded case is that “the said
vendors” were induced to enter the Deed by duress (and/or
undue influence)
by the Crown. On that basis, the vendors, as opposed to Ngāti Te Ata as a
whole, would form the relevant “representative”
group.70
- [153] Turning to
the substantive question of duress, as noted earlier, a confusing aspect of the
historical narrative is the interaction
between the Waiuku Deed and the
Confiscation, particularly given the two events were only a few weeks apart. One
possibility is that
the two events were unrelated and, to put it colloquially,
“the left hand didn’t know what the right hand was doing”.
But
on balance, I conclude that the two events were part of a negotiated arrangement
between the Crown and those members of Ngāti
Te Ata who signed the Waiuku
Deed. The “FW” note describing the “arrangement with Ahipene
Kaihau and his party”
is particularly instructive. Mr Parker
stated:
- In
particular, the reference to the habitation reserves being “for such of
them as have not been engaged in rebellion”.
- Third
amended statement of claim at [176]. No submissions were made in relation to the
potential application of tikanga to this assessment.
Obviously, in
cases such as Ngāti Te Ata’s where part of the tribe had gone into
rebellion, but the other part had remained
loyal to the Crown, it would have
been an extremely complex task to unravel the interests of the rebels from the
loyal members. The
answer was to seek to purchase the interests of the loyal
members and to ensure they retained adequate land for their future needs.
This is what occurred in the case of Ngāti Te Ata. The
Crown engaged in a long negotiation with the loyal members of the tribe
to
acquire their interests and to confiscate the interests of those members who had
gone into rebellion. There is no evidence that
the loyal members of Ngāti
Te Ata, including their rangatira, objected to that arrangement. Those people
had had a long history
of selling land to the Crown (see the list of pre 1864
sales in Appendix 1) and knew what was happening.
- [154] And in
responding to a question on this topic from the Court, Mr Parker
said:
Q. At 675, this is where you discuss the – or what you
explain is the arrangement between the Crown and the loyal members of
Ngāti
Te Ata. Do I understand you correctly that you say as part of that arrangement
the loyal members of Ngāti Te Ata
understood that the land would be
confiscated?
A. Yes I mean it’s pretty clear that, that – that
idea was before Ngāti Te Ata from a pretty early date in 1864,
and the
arrangement, the FW arrangement indicates that that was what was going to
happen. I don’t think, I think it’s
pretty clear that, the leaders
of Ngāti Te Ata, wanted to keep the members of the tribe who had gone into
rebellion out.
- [155] Mr
Minhinnick also viewed the sale under the Waiuku Deed and Confiscation as both
being part of the same negotiated arrangement:
This discussion [with Ahipene Kaihau and Hore Tauroa referred to
at [94] above] took place before the land was formally confiscated,
which
indicates, the existence of some kind of deal or arrangement in contemplation of
and prior to confiscation, with the threat
of confiscation ever present.
- [156] Mr
Kahukiwa described the Waiuku Deed in his oral closing submissions as a
“pre-step” to the Confiscation.71
- [157] The
existence of the arrangement thus explains:
(a) the overlap between the land sold pursuant to the Waiuku
Deed and confiscated a few weeks later;
- And
submitting that the distinction between “rebels” and
“non-rebels” in cls 1 and 4 of the memorandum to
the Deed only made
sense in the context of the Confiscation.
(b) the very short time
period between the Deed and the Confiscation; and
(c) that no later complaints or claims were made by the vendors
under the Waiuku Deed, including claims before the Compensation Court
in
relation to the Confiscation.
- [158] The
existence of the arrangement weighs fairly heavily, in my view, against duress
in the legal sense. It instead suggests a
consensual arrangement as a means of
separately addressing the interests of those members of Ngāti Te Ata who
did not go into
“rebellion” and those who did. It is also relevant
in my view that the arrangement was entered into against the backdrop
of members
of Ngāti Te Ata having sold their interests in land to settlers, or to the
Crown, on 39 prior occasions.72
- [159] The above
narrative also suggests the lead-up to the Waiuku Deed was a lengthy series of
negotiations led by Ahipene Kaihau
and Hori Tauroa. I accept the fact a contract
follows a lengthy period of negotiation does not itself mean there was no
duress. Illegitimate
pressure may have been a feature during or throughout the
negotiations. But it is nevertheless a factor which, in my view, tends
to point
against illegitimate pressure or coercion.
- [160] Mr
Kahukiwa points to the letter from the Acting Native Secretary to Turton on 13
October 1864 (that “as the Natives appear
to be so exorbitant and
unreasonable, the Government will not at present go on with the purchase”)
as the most compelling evidence
of duress. As noted above, however, there is
unfortunately no remaining evidence to explain the context to this communication
or
what happened between it and the point at which the Waiuku Deed was signed.
For example, it is not known whether the terms viewed
as “exorbitant and
unreasonable” were ultimately reflected in the Waiuku Deed, or the
vendors’ position was “negotiated
down”. It cannot therefore
be safely inferred from this communication that there was illegitimate
pressure.
72 Eight of those sales pre-dated 1840; the remaining
31 sales were conducted over the period July 1843 to January 1863. And as
discussed
at [100] above, significant blocks of land on the Āwhitu
Peninsula had already been sold to the Crown before the Waiuku Deed
was entered
into. The Manukau Block was sold in October 1857; the Opoia and Ramaroa No. 1
Blocks also in October 1857; and the Opoia
and Ramaroa No. 2 Blocks in April
1861.
- [161] Turning to
those particular matters said by the plaintiffs to have given rise to
illegitimate pressure, Mr Kahukiwa described
the factual circumstances
surrounding the Deed as “far from ordinary times”. I proceed on the
basis that there was some
harassment of loyal Ngāti Te Ata who remained at
Waiuku in mid to late 1863, and that harassment was illegitimate in the sense
it
was contrary to prevailing Government instructions. I also proceed on the basis
that the Waikato Wars generally introduced a climate
of fear and uncertainty.
But I am not persuaded that this environment, or the particular events relied on
by the plaintiffs, amounted
to illegitimate pressure or coercion at law,
particularly in the context of the Ngāti Te Ata vendors entering into
the Waiuku Deed.
- [162] There is
no doubt Captain Lloyd and his men’s actions in mid to late 1863 were a
source of harassment and concern to those
members of Ngāti Te Ata remaining
at Waiuku. But it is also clear that a number of those members of Ngāti Te
Ata were in
reasonably frequent contact with Government agents, for example,
making complaints and calling for compensation. And it seems their
complaints
did not fall on deaf ears, but were responded to and at some points joined by
complaints made by Government agents (such
as Puckey). The picture painted by
the evidence is also not one of no collaboration between the parties, or
joint concerns. Moreover, the particular events relied on by the plaintiffs for
the duress claim
occurred over the period July to November 1863. There is no
evident linkage between them and the negotiations which took place the
following
year.
- [163] I consider
there to be more merit in the plaintiffs’ argument that illegitimate
pressure and coercion arose from an understanding
on the part of the vendors
that their interests in the Waiuku North and South Blocks could be extinguished
by confiscation in any
event. But as set out in the following section of this
judgment, I have concluded that the Confiscation was the lawful exercise of
a
statutory power as it stood in 1864. And while lawful acts can give rise
to illegitimate pressure, the Confiscation, at least at the time it was
exercised, was not contrary to public policy and
thereby illegitimate. As
counsel for the Crown notes, the fact the 1863 Act and the actions taken under
it do not reflect current
policy settings is immaterial to the fact it was
public policy at the time the Deed was entered into.
- [164] In support
of their argument that the threat of confiscation gave rise to duress, the
plaintiffs refer to the Canadian Federal
Court of Appeal’s decision in
Semiahmoo Indian Band v Canada in which a similar issue
arose.73
- [165] The
litigation in Semiahmoo stemmed from an absolute surrender by the Indian
Band in November 1951 of 22.408 acres of reserve land. This occurred against the
backdrop of the Crown having made overtures to the Band in 1949 to see if it
would surrender the land, but the results at that time
were inconclusive. The
Crown was considering a possible expansion of a border customs facility onto the
land (though the trial Judge
observed “it is clear that not all of this
land was needed...”).74 Having agreed in 1951 to the surrender,
the Band was paid $550 per acre of surrendered land despite there being no
appraisal of the
land’s value before setting the final
price.
- [166] No steps
were taken by the Crown in the ensuing years to develop the proposed customs
facility expansion. On many occasions
after the surrender, the Band asked Crown
officials about the intended use of the surrendered land and whether some or all
of it
could be returned. In 1970, the Canadian Deputy-Minister of Public Works
recommended that the land remain under the control of the
Department of Public
Works unless “the Indian Band can clearly demonstrate that it can be put
to beneficial use”. By
1987, consideration was being given to development
of the land by private sector parties, including as a resort and yacht
club.
- [167] The Band
commenced proceedings against the Crown in 1990 alleging that the Crown had
breached its fiduciary duty to the Band
at the time of the 1951 surrender. The
claim of breach was advanced on two bases: first, that the price paid was
inadequate; and
second, that the Crown failed to protect the Band’s best
interests when it consented to an absolute surrender (that is, without
a
reversionary clause).
- [168] Semiahmoo
was heard not long after the Canadian Supreme Court’s landmark
decision in Guerin in which it had held the Crown did owe the Indian Band
in that case a fiduciary duty.75 At first instance, the trial Judge
in Semiahmoo found there
73 Semiahmoo Indian Band v Canada (1998) 148
DLR (4th) 523 (FCA).
74 Semiahmoo Indian Band v Canada (1995) 128 DLR (4th) 542
(FC) at 544.
- Guerin
v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR 335 at 376. I discuss Guerin in more detail
below at [305] to [311].
was no evidence to support the claim the price paid for the surrendered land was
below market value. But the trial Judge accepted
the plaintiffs’
characterisation of the evidence that the Band would not have surrendered the
land in the normal course of
events. The trial Judge also found that the Band
knew at all times the Crown had the right to expropriate the land for public
purposes
if the Band refused to surrender it. On this basis, the Judge concluded
that the Crown had breached its fiduciary duty to the Band
by taking more land
than was required and not including a reversion clause in the terms of
surrender. Despite these findings, however,
the Band’s claims were
dismissed on limitation grounds. The Band appealed and the Crown
cross-appealed.
- [169] Isaac CJ,
delivering the unanimous judgment of the Federal Court of Appeal, referred to
developments since Guerin, and in particular McLachlin J’s
discussion of the scope of the Crown’s fiduciary duties in Blueberry
River Indian Band v Canada.76 In Blueberry River,
McLachlin J had said:77
It follows that under the Indian Act, the Band had the
right to decide whether to surrender the reserve, and its decision was to be
respected. At the same time, if the
Band’s decision was foolish or
improvident – a decision that constituted exploitation – the Crown
could refuse
to consent. In short, the Crown’s obligation was limited to
preventing exploitative bargains.
- [170] Isaac CJ
noted that the Band was particularly vulnerable to the influence of the Crown at
the time of the surrender, as the
evidence indicated that land had been taken
from the Band by expropriation before 1951 and expropriation was also being
considered
at the time in relation to the reserve land at issue. Isaac CJ
stated:78
It is clear from the reasons of the Trial Judge
that the Band’s discretion to give or to withhold their consent to the
1951
surrender was significantly influenced by their knowledge that, regardless
of their decision on the issue of surrender, there was
a risk that they would
lose their land through expropriation in any event.
- [171] Isaac CJ
accordingly agreed with the Trial Judge’s finding that the Band’s
ability to give or to withhold their
own consent to the absolute surrender in
1951 was
76 Blueberry River Indian Band v R [1995] 4
SCR 344.
77 At 371.
78 Semiahmoo Indian Band v Canada (1998) 148 DLR (4th) 523
(FCA) at 537.
fettered by their knowledge of the respondent’s power to
expropriate. Isaac CJ stated:79
The respondent’s assertion that the Band gave full and
informed consent to the absolute surrender rings hollow in the face of
[the
Trial Judge’s] findings. In my respectful view, in finding that the Band
surrendered their land to the respondent despite
the fact that they “would
not have surrendered the land, in the normal course of events” the Trial
Judge concluded, based
on the evidence, that the Band felt powerless to decide
any other way. The bargain, in other words, was exploitative. For this reason,
the respondent should not have consented to the absolute surrender, at least not
without first ensuring that it contained appropriate
safeguards, such as a
reversionary clause, to ensure the least possible impairment of the Band’s
rights.
- [172] The Court
of Appeal accordingly agreed with the Trial Judge that the Crown had breached
its pre-surrender fiduciary duty. It
also found that the Crown’s failure
to re-convey any portion of the surrendered land to the Band, despite its
knowledge by
at least 1969 that there was no clear pathway to its development,
constituted a “post-surrender” breach of its fiduciary
duty.80
Unlike the original breach at the time of surrender, the Court of Appeal
found that the post-surrender breach was not excluded by
the applicable
limitation provisions.
- [173] There are
some material and distinguishing features, however, between the circumstances in
Semiahmoo and the facts in this case. First, I have not, and indeed
cannot on the basis of the evidence before me, make a finding that the vendors
to the Waiuku Deed would not have sold their interests in the land to the Crown
in the normal course of events. As noted, members
of Ngāti Te Ata had sold
land to settlers and to the Crown (including quite large tracts of the
Āwhitu Peninsula) on some
39 occasions prior to the Waiuku Deed. And while
the trial Judge in Semiahmoo noted that given the effluxion of time, the
evidence in that case was “necessarily somewhat
sketchy”,81 the time period in which the surrender occurred
(the 1950s) was much more contemporary than in this case, and it appears from
the
judgment that there was a reasonable record of the actual dealings leading
up to the surrender.
- [174] In this
case, Mr Kahukiwa refers to Ngāti Te Ata’s pukapuka of 1842
(published in the Government newspaper Te Karere o Māori) in which
Ahipene
79 At 538.
80 By reference to those principles concerning post-surrender
fiduciary duty, set out at 543–544.
81 Semiahmoo Indian Band v Canada (1995) 128 DLR (4th) 542
(FC) at 543.
Kaihau and other Ngāti Te Ata chiefs expressed their 102 kāinga,
including Maioro, which they proclaimed would be held
by them “for ever
and ever” (“mō āke āke”). Mr Kahukiwa says this
demonstrates Ngāti
Te Ata would not have sold their land in the normal
course of events. He further submits that the very fact almost all of Maioro
had
been sold or confiscated as a result of the 1864 transactions, with Ahipene
Kaihau and his party retaining less than 14 per cent
of the area, is
“concerningly inconsistent” with the 1842 pukapuka and is further
evidence of duress.
- [175] I fully
acknowledge the pukapuka. But following the pukapuka (and prior to the Waiuku
Deed) there were 23 instances of members
of Ngāti Te Ata selling their
interests in land to the Crown. All of those transactions also pre-dated the
1863 Act. And it
is not possible to make a broad finding that all sales to the
Crown after the 1863 Act came into force are prima facie tainted by
duress. Rather, as discussed above, transactions sought to be set aside for
vitiated consent require a close factual analysis
on a case-by-case
basis.82
- [176] Further,
there is no evidence the vendors’ decision to sell part of Maioro was
foolish or improvident in the sense discussed
in Semiahmoo. As discussed
earlier, the Waiuku Deed followed lengthy negotiations. The terms of sale
recorded that significant reserves (identified
by the vendors) were to be
created for habitation; additional “special grants” were to be made
to particular vendors
and the sale excluded a large number of wāhi tapu
sites. There is also no suggestion the price paid was below (then) market
value.
- [177] Finally,
and unlike in Semiahmoo, there is no evidence any of the vendors to the
Waiuku Deed actively protested the sale (or the subsequent Confiscation).
Rather,
the evidence demonstrates ongoing engagement between the Crown and the
relevant members of Ngāti Te Ata on the footing of the
Waiuku Deed. There
were the further requests on account of the later instalments of the purchase
price to be paid; requests for the
Crown grants to be issued; entry into the
Waiuku No 3 Deed; receipt of the balance of the purchase price; and the lengthy
and what
appears to be relatively comprehensive engagement on the replacement of
the October 1865 grants with the
- To
the extent a contrary approach suggests a (rebuttable) “presumption”
of duress, I discuss that concept at [181] below
when considering undue
influence.
1878 Crown Grants. And subsequent to those steps having been completed, there
was no complaint about the Waiuku Deed until many decades
later. Had duress in
the legal sense been made out, these facts may have provided a foundation for a
finding that the transaction
had been affirmed.
- [178] For these
reasons, the claim of duress is dismissed.
Undue influence - legal
principles
- [179] Again,
there was no dispute as to the applicable legal principles, which were
summarised by Winkelmann J (as she then was) in
Green v Green in the
following terms:83
(a) The overall burden of proof rests
on the person seeking to establish undue influence.
(b) The burden of proof is the balance of probabilities...
(c) The person asserting undue influence must show that the
alleged influence led to the making of the impugned transaction, and that
the
influence was undue in the sense that the transaction was not the result of the
free exercise of an independent will on the part
of the person at whose expense
the transaction was made.
(d) The question of whether a transaction was brought about by
undue influence is a question of fact. A party can succeed in establishing
this
by proving “actual undue influence”, or by way of recourse to an
evidential presumption which arises where it is
established that:
(i) the person said to have been subject to undue influence
placed trust and confidence in the other; and
(ii) the transaction calls for explanation.
(e) Whether there is a relationship of trust and confidence can
either be established factually or by reference to a class of specific
relationships such as lawyer/client; parent/child; doctor/patient. In the latter
category, the law presumes irrebutably that one
party had influence over the
other. The presumption is only as to proof of influence. The person alleging
undue influence will still
need to establish a transaction calling for an
explanation.
(f) Whether a transaction calls for an explanation depends on
the circumstances of the case. The question is simply whether “failing
proof to the contrary, [the transaction] was explicable only on the basis that
undue influence had been exercised to procure it”.
- Green
v Green [2015] NZHC 1218, (2015) 4 NZTR 25-017 at [100]. Upheld on appeal in
Green v Green [2016] NZCA 486, [2017] 2 NZLR 321 at
[35].
(g) Once the person claiming undue influence has established
both the relationship of trust and confidence and a transaction calling
for
explanation, the evidential burden shifts to the person seeking to uphold the
transaction to show that the transaction was not
the result of undue
influence...
(h) The presence of independent advice is one of many factors
that may be taken into account in determining whether undue influence
is
proved...
- [180] Those
relationships which give rise to an irrebutable presumption of influence are, or
are analogous to, fiduciary relationships,
conferring the requisite degree of
dependency between the presumed influencer and the other party.84 But
the categories in which the presumption might apply are not closed. As Lord
Nicolls explained in Royal Bank of Scotland plc v Etridge (No 2), where a
party can demonstrate they engendered sufficient trust and confidence in the
other party such that the first party is disposed
to agree to a course of action
proposed by the other, the presumption may
arise.85
- [181] Whether
the relationship between the Crown and Māori in the late nineteenth century
ought to be categorised as a relationship
of presumed influence was touched on
by two of the members of the Supreme Court in Paki v Attorney-General (No
2), former Chief Justice Elias and William Young J.86 Elias CJ
said the following:87
The principles on which courts
intervene in cases of undue influence, unconscionability, and breach of
fiduciary duty overlap. They
are not closed categories. I have already referred
to my impression that the circumstances of 19th century purchases, described for
example by Richard Boast, have parallels with the cases dealing with
transactions with expectant heirs. It is not inconceivable that
circumstances
from which a presumption of undue influence may be inferred (shifting the onus
of proof) may arise in cases of land
transactions between the sovereign power
and indigenous peoples.
(footnotes omitted)
- [182] William
Young J considered the issue more broadly, by reference to what he referred to
as the principle of “retrospective
justification”, common to a
number of equitable doctrines where a party is called upon to justify the
fairness of the transaction
- Royal
Bank of Scotland plc v Etridge (No 2) [2001] UKHL 44, [2002] 2 AC 773 at
[104] per Lord Hobhouse and [158] per Lord Scott.
85 At
[9]–[10].
86 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118, [2015] 1
NZLR 67.
87 At [151].
in question.88 His Honour was concerned at extending the principle of
retrospective justification to transactions conducted in the social and economic
conditions in the late 1800s, “for which [he] certainly [had] no real
feel”.89 He also stated:90
... the
imposition of a requirement of retrospective justification in the present
circumstances would be distinctly unfair given that
it cannot be met due to the
effluxion of time. The practical result would be the setting aside of the
transactions despite complete
uncertainty whether the vendors were under any
relevant misapprehension.
- [183] The
plaintiffs’ claim of undue influence in this case was not pleaded
or argued on the basis of a presumption of influence. Indeed, no separate
submissions on the question of undue influence were
made in the
plaintiffs’ closing arguments.91 In these circumstances, it is
not appropriate to express any concluded view on whether it would be appropriate
to adopt a presumption
of influence in land transactions between the Crown and
Māori in the late 1800s. Such matters ought to be addressed and determined
in a case pleaded and argued on that basis.
- [184] I merely
observe, however, that I share the concern expressed by William Young J in
Paki (No 2) that such an approach may result in historical transactions
being set aside in first, a context quite divorced from that which existed
at
the time, and second, where a requirement of “retrospective
justification” may not be able to be met given the effluxion
of time.
Further, whether the two preconditions to the presumption arising (set out at
[179(d)(i) and(ii)] above) were met in this
case would be open to debate. I have
concluded below that the broader relationship between the Crown and Ngāti
Te Ata at the
time of the Waiuku Deed was not of a fiduciary nature or one which
otherwise gave rise to fiduciary duties. Moreover, the Waiuku
transaction was
the product of lengthy negotiations with the interactions between the parties
seemingly at arm’s length. And
as to whether the transaction “calls
for an explanation”, I have doubt that the transaction is explicable
only on the basis of undue influence.
88 At [256].
89 At [286].
90 At [287].
- Mr
Kahukiwa submitted that if duress is made out, undue influence must also follow,
as it is a “lower
standard”.
Undue influence -
discussion
- [185] On the
basis the plaintiffs’ case was advanced on the footing of actual undue
influence, the plaintiffs do not point to
any additional facts or circumstances
to support this aspect of their claim in addition to those relied on for the
claim of duress.
Accordingly, the observations I have made above in relation to
duress apply equally here, namely that the evidence falls short of
demonstrating
the vendors’ consent to enter into the Waiuku Deed was overborn or
otherwise obtained by unacceptable means.
I am also conscious of the Privy
Council’s observation in Attorney-General for England and Wales v R
that – to a degree – claims of duress and undue influence are
inconsistent; on the one hand, in a claim of duress, a plaintiff
will say he or
she entered a transaction only as a result of illegitimate pressure (usually a
threat) exerted by their contractual
counter-party; yet in a claim of undue
influence, the plaintiff will say he or she entered the transaction only because
of the trust
and confidence reposed in the contractual
counter-party.92
- [186] The claim
of undue influence is therefore also dismissed.
Exploitative/unconscionable bargain
— introduction
- [187] In their
pleadings, the plaintiffs allege that the Crown knowingly took advantage of
Ngāti Te Ata in the circumstances
pleaded at [24] of the third amended
statement of claim.93 The plaintiffs did not substantively address
this aspect of their pleaded case in closing submissions. I proceed on the basis
the
equitable principles of unconscionable bargain are
invoked.
Unconscionable bargain - legal
principles
- [188] The
Supreme Court summarised the concept of unconscionable bargain
in
Gustav & Co Ltd v Macfield Ltd:94
92 Attorney-General for England and Wales v R
[2003] UKPC 22, [2004] 2 NZLR 577 at [24]; see also J Stephen Kós
“Undue Influence” in Andrew Butler (ed) Equity and Trusts in New
Zealand (2nd ed, Thomson Reuters, Wellington, 2009) 679 at [22.4.5(1)].
93 Being, in broad terms, the climate of war existing in 1863 to
1864, and making it known that Ngāti Te Ata’s land would
be
confiscated in any event if it did not sell its land to the Crown.
94 Gustav & Co Ltd v Macfield Ltd [2008] NZSC 47,
[2008] 2 NZLR 735 at [6].
Equity will intervene, when one party in entering into a transaction,
unconscientiously takes advantage of the other. That will be
so when the
stronger party knows or ought to be aware that the weaker party is unable
adequately to look after his own interests
and is acting to his detriment.
Equity will not allow the stronger party to procure or accept a transaction in
these circumstances.
The remedy is conscience-based and, in qualifying cases,
the Court intervenes and says that the stronger party may not take advantage
of
the rights acquired under the transaction because it would be contrary to good
conscience to do so. The conscience of the stronger
party must be so affected
that equity will restrain that party from exercising its rights at law.
- [189] A test for
an unconscionable bargain was set out by Tipping J in Attorney- General for
England and Wales v R as follows:95
... for a bargain to be characterised as unconscionable, and
thus able to be set aside, there will necessarily be: (1) serious disadvantage
on the part of the weaker party known to the stronger party; and (2) the
exploitation of that disadvantage by the stronger party
in circumstances
amounting to actual or equitable fraud. Associated with (1) and (2) will
usually, but not necessarily be: (3) some
procedural impropriety, established or
presumed, and attributable to the stronger party; and (4) a substantial
inadequacy of consideration.
- [190] I do not
understand the plaintiffs to suggest any sale of land to the Crown in the
late 1880s was per se an unconscionable bargain. The plaintiffs’
position appears to be that the addition of the climate of war in 1863/1864 and
the
spectre of confiscation in any event made the transaction effected by the
Waiuku Deed unconscionable.
- [191] As the
author of “Unconscionable Bargains” in Equity and Trusts in New
Zealand explains, the first inquiry in a claim of unconscionable bargain
will be whether the party seeking to avoid the contract was “at
a serious
disadvantage vis-a- vis the other”.96 And while noting that an
exhaustive list of circumstances amounting to such a special disadvantage cannot
be produced:97
... such a list would include “poverty or a need of any
kind, sickness, age, sex, infirmity of body or mind, drunkenness, illiteracy
or
lack of education, [and] lack of assistance or explanation”. Examples from
other cases which may be added to this list include
stress and anxiety coupled
with ignorance of the value of the subject-matter of the contract. The key
factor is that the disadvantaged party must be, for whatever reason, unable to
make
95 Attorney-General for England and Wales v R
[2002] NZLR 91 (CA) at [89].
- James
Every-Palmer “Unconscionable Bargains” in Andrew Butler (ed)
Equity and Trusts in New Zealand (2nd ed, Thomson Reuters, Wellington,
2009) 717 at [23.2.1].
97 At [23.2.1].
proper judgments as to what is in his or her own best interests.
(emphasis added, footnotes omitted)
Unconscionable bargain - discussion
- [192] I am not
persuaded the evidence demonstrates the vendors to the Waiuku Deed were
suffering a special disadvantage, at least
in the sense of being unable to make
proper judgments as to what was in their own best interests. I accept that in
the lead up to
the Waiuku Deed, there is evidence of at least some advances of
monies being sought which might indicate poverty (especially in the
context of
the dislocation during the war), though it is impossible now to put any context
around this. Ahipene Kaihau and Hore Tauroa’s
letter also referred to
members of Ngāti Te Ata “being jealous of the land we possess and the
monies which are given to
us (by the Government) ...”. Again, it is now
impossible to accurately assess the context to such sentiments. And as earlier
noted, members of Ngāti Te Ata had frequently engaged in the sale of their
interests in land to the Crown. The negotiations
over the course of 1864 also
appeared to involve to-ing and fro-ing of requests and requirements which appear
to have been accommodated
in the Waiuku Deed’s
terms.
- [193] Nor am I
persuaded it can be inferred from the evidence that there was unconscionable
advantage taken of the vendors by those
Crown agents negotiating with them.
Again, what remains of the evidential record suggests a series of negotiations
carried out over
several months and that steps were taken to accommodate the
vendors’ requests, through the recognition of Crown grants, the
exclusion
of certain land from the transaction and special grants to be made to named
individuals. Nor, as noted, is there any suggestion
that the compensation paid
under the Waiuku Deed was inadequate, at least in the context of the times in
which the transaction occurred.
Indeed, Mr Parker thought the price was probably
somewhat high for the times. The absence of any complaint or claim by the
vendors
at the time, or in the ensuing years, also tends to point against an
unconscionable bargain.
- [194] For these
reasons, and in the absence of any substantive argument by the plaintiffs on
this aspect of their claim, the claim
of unconscionable bargain also
fails.
Was the Confiscation ultra vires the 1863 Act?
The
purpose and terms of the 1863 Act
The lead up to the passing of the Act
- [195] As
addressed earlier in this judgment, in late July 1863, Alfred Domett, the then
Colonial Secretary, wrote to the Superintendent
of Auckland Province, informing
him that in order to provide for the security of Auckland, it was the intention
of the Government
to:
Introduce a large body of men from Australia and elsewhere and
form settlements along a frontier line through the heart of the country,
on
lands to be taken from the tribes now in arms against us, and given on
conditions of Military tenure to the immigrants in question.
- [196] The New
Zealand Settlements Bill was a product of these policies.
- [197] The Bill
progressed through the House of Representatives and Legislative Council in
November 1863. While there was broad support
for the Bill, there was nonetheless
some, albeit limited, opposition at both
stages.98
- [198] In moving
the Bill’s second reading in the House of Representatives, William Fox
(the former Premier, and at this time,
Leader of the House and Colonial
Secretary of the Fox-Whitaker Government) said the
following:99
The primary feature of [the Bill’s]
policy is the supressing of the existing rebellion... I intimated on a previous
occasion
that the basis of the Government scheme was the introduction of so
strong a population into the disturbed districts of the colony
that, for the
future, the Natives might be deterred from all hope of successful resistance to
the establishment of law in the Northern
Island. In order to establish the
population which the Government intents to introduce, it is absolutely essential
that it shall
have the land on which to establish them. ... What is required is
a large population, practically outnumbering that of the Natives
in those
districts where rebellion
98 Led in the House of Representatives by James
FitzGerald, the member for Ellemere, and in the Legislative Council, by the
former Attorney
General William Swainson. Their opposition focused on the cause
of rebellion; the sweeping nature of the proposed confiscation powers
(both in
terms of the amount of land that could be taken and that it would include land
of loyal or friendly Māori); the process
for compensation; that land
surplus to military settlements could be sold; that sweeping confiscation was
inconsistent with the Treaty
of Waitangi; and the general damage it would do to
Crown/Māori relations. As will be seen, these concerns were echoed by the
Secretary of State for Colonial Affairs when the New Zealand Settlements Act
1863 [1863 Act], once passed, was sent to London for
approval. See [201]
below.
99 (November 5 1863) D NZPD 782–783.
exists, or may exist, to be permanently settled, with ownership of the land,
so that they may not only have an interest, but the ability,
to defend their
homes from future aggression; and to effect this the Government looks to the
lands of those tribes who have been
in rebellion. There is no injustice in
taking the lands of such tribes, not by way of punishment, or of reducing the
tribes from
the position they now hold, but simply as a substantial guarantee
for the future peace and consolidation of the colony. This Bill
provides for
that object.
...
I am glad to say that, on examining a carefully-prepared
approximate return of the acreage which is included in those districts where
rebellion exists – and in which alone, at present, the Government has any
intention of extended operations – there appear
to be at least 4,000,000
acres of land available for the purposes.
- [199] In the
Bill’s second reading in the Legislative Council, the Premier, Frederick
Whitaker, explained the object of the
Bill as
follows:100
...[H]owever successful we might be in
marching armies through the country, however successful we might be when we met
our foes, unless
we took some further steps there would, on our retirement, be
another outbreak such as had now taken place. ... [T]he Government,
after
anxious consideration, had come to the conclusion that to prevent affairs of the
kind in the future, such a bill as this was
necessary. They asked the Council to
deal with the lands belonging to the Natives in such manner as would be
necessary to place on
them such a population as would be able to take care of
itself and guard for the future against outbreaks. The Bill contained two
principles: the first was involved in the 4th clause, by which the Government
would exercise power to take land for public purposes
– a power as to
which there could be no question, and which it could not be disputed might
justly and properly be exercised
in cases of State necessity. ... Then, the
second principle was this: that those parties who had been engaged in rebellion
should
not be entitled to compensation. ...
The Bill is passed
- [200] Governor
Grey assented to the Bill in the name and on behalf of the Queen on 3 December
1863. In January 1864, he forwarded
a copy of it to the Secretary of State for
the Colonies in London for signification by Her
Majesty.101
100 (November 16 1863) D NZPD 869.
101 Pursuant to s 58 of the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852 (UK)
15 &16 Vict c 72, whenever the Governor assented to a Bill in Her
Majesty’s name, he was required to transmit a copy of the Bill to the
relevant Secretary of State in England, and it was lawful
for Her Majesty, by
Order in Council within a period of two years of receipt of the Bill, to
disallow it.
- [201] Edward
Cardwell, the new Secretary of State for the Colonies,102 responded
to Governor Grey by way of a dispatch dated 26 April 1864.103
Secretary Cardwell made it clear the Colonial Office was not happy with
the 1863 Act, though ultimately permitted it to remain in
force for two years.
Secretary Cardwell said the following:
...I need not leave you in ignorance of the views which I
entertain upon the policy embodied in this important law, or of the opinion
of
Her Majesty’s Government in respect to the measures which ought to be
taken as soon as decisive success in arms shall enable
you to take them for the
pacification and settlement of the Northern Island.
[Having referred to an earlier scheme submitted to the Duke of
Newcastle in August 1863, about which the Duke had also expressed concern]
The number of settlers, and consequently the immediate amount of
confiscation, is quadrupled, the compulsory power of acquiring land
within a
proclaimed District is, by the terms of the Act, applied alike to the loyal and
the disloyal; the right of compensation
is jealously limited, and is denied even
to the most loyal native if he refuses to surrender his accustomed right of
carrying arms,
and these powers are not to be exercised exceptionally and to
meet the present emergency, or by regularly constituted courts of justice,
but
are to be permanently embodied in the law of New Zealand; and to form a standing
qualification of the Treaty of Waitangi.
This being the nature of the law, I proceed to consider some
very grave objections which may be urged against it. It renders permanently
insecure the tenure of Native property throughout the Islands, and is thus
calculated to alarm our friends. It makes no difference
between the leaders and
contrivers of rebellion and their unwilling agents or allies, and is thus
calculated to drive to despair
those about half our enemies. The proceedings by
which unlimited confiscation of property is to take place may be secret, without
argument and without appeal; and the provision for compensation is as rigidly
confined as the provision for punishment is flexible
and unlimited.
- [202] Secretary
Cardwell went on to state:
Considering that the defence of the Colony is at present
affected by an Imperial force, I should perhaps have been justified in
recommending
the disallowance of an Act couched in such sweeping terms, capable
therefore of great abuse, unless its practical operation were
restrained by a
strong and resolute hand, and calculated, if abused, to frustrate its own
objects, and to prolong, instead of terminate
war. But not having received from
you any expression of your disapproval, and being most unwilling to take any
course which would
weaken your hands in the moment of your military success, her
Majesty’s Government have decided that the Act will for the present
remain
in operation.
102 Replacing the Duke of Newcastle.
- Mr
Parker estimated that Cardwell’s dispatch would have arrived with the
Governor in around August 1864 at the latest.
They are led to this
conclusion not merely by a desire to sustain the authority of the Local
Government, but also in no small degree
by observing that no confiscation can
take effect without your personal concurrence, and by the reliance which they so
justly place
on your sagacity, firmness, and experience, and your long
recognised regard as well for the interests of the colonists as for the
fair
rights and expectation of the Native race.
It should be clearly understood that your own concurrence in any
forfeiture is not to be considered as a mere Ministerial act, but
that it will
be withheld unless you are personally satisfied that the confiscation is just
and moderate.
The 1863 Act – relevant provisions
- [204] The
policies and objectives set out in the materials discussed above are reflected
in the 1863 Act’s Preamble, which provided
as
follows:
WHEREAS the Northern Island of the Colony of New Zealand has
from time to time been subject to insurrections amongst the evil-disposed
persons of the Native race to the great injury alarm and intimidation of Her
Majesty’s peaceable subjects of both races and
involving great losses of
life and expenditure of money in their suppression. And Whereas many outrages
upon lives and property have
recently been committed and such outrages are still
threatened and of almost daily occurrence And Whereas a large number of the
Inhabitants
of several districts of the Colony have entered into combinations
and taken up arms with the object of attempting the extermination
or expulsion
of the European settlers and are now engaged in open rebellion against Her
Majesty’s authority And Whereas it
is necessary that some adequate
provision should be made for the permanent protection and security of the
well-disposed Inhabitants
of both races for the prevention of future
insurrection or rebellion and for the establishment and maintenance of Her
Majesty’s
authority and of Law and Order throughout the Colony And Whereas
the best and most effectual means of attaining those ends would
be by the
introduction of a sufficient number of settlers able to protect themselves and
to preserve the peace of the Country.
- [205] Section 2,
which is key to a number of the plaintiffs’ arguments on this aspect of
their claim, provided:
- Whenever
the Governor in Council shall be satisfied that any Native Tribe or Section of a
Tribe or any considerable number thereof
has since the first day of January 1863
been engaged in rebellion against Her Majesty’s authority it shall be
lawful for the
Governor in Council to declare that the District within which any
land being the property or in the possession of such Tribe or Section
or
considerable number thereof shall be situate shall be a District within the
provisions of this Act and the boundaries of such
District in like manner to
define and vary as he shall think fit.
- [206] Sections 3
and 4 conferred further powers on the Governor in Council and set out the
consequence of the exercise of those powers:
- It
shall be lawful for the Governor in Council from time to time to set apart
within any such District eligible sites for settlements
for colonization and the
boundaries of such settlement to define and vary.
- For
the purposes of such settlements the Governor in Council may from time to time
reserve or take any Land within such District and
such Land shall be deemed to
be Crown Land freed and discharged from all Title Interest or Claim of any
person whomsoever as soon
as the Governor in Council shall have declared that
such Land is required for the purposes of this Act and is subject to the
provisions
thereof.
- [207] Section 5
dealt with compensation for those who had any title, interest or claim in land
taken under the Act, but excluded from
the compensation regime the following
persons:
(1.) Who shall since the 1st January 1863 have
been engaged in levying or making war or carrying arms against Her Majesty the
Queen or Her Majesty’s Forces
in New Zealand or—
(2.) Who shall have adhered to aided assisted or comforted any
such persons as aforesaid—
(3.) Who shall have counselled advised induced enticed persuaded
or conspired with any other person to make or levy war against Her
Majesty or to
carry arms against Her Majesty’s Forces in New Zealand or to join with or
assist any such persons as are before
mentioned in Sub-Sections (1) and (2)
or—
(4.) Who in furtherance or in execution of the designs of any
such persons as aforesaid shall have been either as principal or accessory
concerned in any outrage against person or property or—
(5.) Who on being required by the Governor by proclamation to
that effect in the Government Gazette to deliver up the arms in their
possession shall refuse or neglect to comply with such demand after certain day
to be specified in
such proclamation.
- [208] Section 8
provided for the establishment of Compensation Courts to determine claims for
compensation under the Act.
- [209] Sections
16 to 18 set out the steps to be taken in relation to confiscated land, both in
terms of laying out “Towns and
Farms” for military settlement and
for the surplus land to be laid out in “Suburban and Rural”
allotments for sale.
Section 19
provided that the proceeds from the sale and disposal of land under the Act were
to be directed:
... in or towards the repayment of the expenses of supressing
the present insurrection and the formation and colonization of the Settlements
including the payment of any Compensation which shall be payable under this
Act.
- [210] Returning
to the purpose, or the “end” Parliament was hoping to achieve by the
1863 Act, the extrinsic materials
discussed above, but primarily the Act’s
preamble and its terms, demonstrate that this was to:
(a) make adequate provision for the permanent protection and
security of “the well-disposed Inhabitants of both races”;
and
(b) establish and maintain Her Majesty’s authority and law
and order throughout New Zealand.
- [211] The
confiscation of land for settlement, in order to place significant numbers of
settlers in strategic locations, was seen
as being “the best and most
effectual means” of attaining the above outcomes. And as can be seen from
the 1863 Act’s
terms, that settlement encompassed not only military
settlers, but non-military settlers also.104
The “leap frog”
argument/no reference to “taking”
- [212] I first
address the last of the arguments advanced on invalidity by the plaintiffs and
summarised at [56] above.
- [213] The Order
in Council issued on 29 December 1864 and which effected the Confiscation was in
the following terms:
WHEREAS by the “New Zealand Settlements Act, 1863”
it was enacted amongst other things that whenever the Governor in Council
should
be satisfied that any Native Tribe or Section of a Tribe or any considerable
number thereof have since the first day of January
1863, been engaged in
rebellion against Her Majesty’s authority, it should be lawful for the
Governor in Council to declare
that the District within which any land being the
property or in the possession of such Tribe or Section as considerable number
thereof
should be situate, should be a District within the provisions of the
said Act and
104 1863 Act, ss 16–18.
the boundaries of such District in like manner to define and vary as he
should think fit.
And whereas the Governor in Council, is satisfied that certain
Native Tribes or sections of Tribes having respectively as their property
or in
their possession the lands hereunder described, have been engaged in rebellion
against Her Majesty’s Authority.
Now, therefore, His Excellency the Governor, in exercise of the
power vested in him by the said recited Act, doth hereby with the
advice and
consent of the Executive Council of the Colony, declare that from the date
hereof, the land described in each of the eight
schedules to this Proclamation
shall be a District within the Provisions of the “New Zealand Settlements
Act, 1863,”
and shall be designated by the name mentioned in such schedule
and doth declare that the said lands are required for the purposes
of the said
Act and are subject to the provisions thereof and doth order that the said Lands
shall be and the same are hereby set
apart and reserved as sites for Settlement
and Colonization agreeably to the provisions of the said Act.
- [214] Mr
Kahukiwa submits that the 1863 Act required a sequential, three-step process in
order to confiscate land with separate Orders
in Council for each step; namely
declaring a “District” (s 2), setting apart eligible sites for
settlement and colonisation
within that District (s 3), and reserving or taking
the land (s 4). He submits the Order in Council in this case was ultra vires
for
not following this three- step process.
- [215] While the
three-step process referred to by Mr Kahukiwa might be considered a logical
order of events, I am not persuaded the
1863 Act required such sequential
steps under ss 2, 3 and 4 with separate Orders in Council for each. There is no
doubt that a controlling “pre-requisite”
or “condition”
to the exercise by the Governor in Council of the powers under ss 2 to 4 was
being “satisfied”
of those matters set out in s 2. But once the
Governor was so satisfied, there is nothing on the face of the 1863 Act which
required
the powers under ss 2 to 4 to be exercised by separate Order in
Council.
- [216] The 29
December 1864 Order in Council declared eight scheduled areas of land to be a
“District” within the provisions
of the 1863 Act (s 2); ordered that
each of the eight scheduled areas of land be “set apart” for
settlement and colonization
(s 3); reserved each of the eight scheduled areas of
land (s 4); and declared that the land was required for the purposes of the
Act
(s 4). The fact all three steps were “rolled up” into one Order in
Council does not in my view render the Order in
Council unlawful.
- [217] Mr
Kahukiwa also points to the fact that the Order in Council did not expressly set
apart any particular “eligible sites”
within the declared Districts.
Rather, its effect was to set aside each District, as a whole, as an eligible
site.105
- [218] Again, I
am not persuaded the fact the Order in Council did not itself set out specific
or individual eligible sites renders
it unlawful. In effect, by expressly
setting apart the eight specified areas of land described in the schedule as
both Districts
and as sites for settlement and colonisation, the Governor in
Council was exercising the power granted to him under s 3 in relation
to all of
that land. On the face of the Act, the Governor in Council had the power to set
apart sites within any District eligible
for settlement. This therefore gave the
Governor the power to set apart some land within a District as an
eligible site, but did not in my view prohibit the Governor in Council from
setting apart all the land within a District as an eligible site. In
other words, I do not consider the Act made the setting apart of, say, 95 per
cent
by area of a District for settlement lawful, but 100 per cent by area of
the same District as unlawful.
- [219] At least
in relation to Waiuku North and South Blocks, setting them apart for settlement
was against the backdrop of the instructions
to surveyors in March 1864, and to
Heaphy in May 1864, that the “whole Waiuku Block” was to be divided
into convenient
lots for sale and occupation and to lay off necessary and
convenient roads. There is accordingly some contemporaneous evidence of
prior
consideration having been given to the “middle step” of assessing
the Waiuku South and North Blocks as sites eligible
for settlement, and indeed
to the point of surveys being carried out of the whole area for that purpose.
The plaintiffs also plead
that Ngāti Te Ata’s lands were
“coveted for settlement by immigrants”. Against the factual
narrative set out
earlier in this judgment, I do not consider it can be
concluded that the Waiuku North and South Blocks were so ineligible for
settlement(s)
that the Executive Council, in advising the Governor on their
confiscation, either misconstrued the statutory requirement of eligibility
for
settlement or failed to turn its mind to that
issue.106
105 Mr Kahukiwa stated, however, that this was
ultimately a matter of form rather than substance.
106 Also relevant is the discussion at [115] to [116] above of
lots within the confiscated area being made available for sale to the market,
and at [285] below of steps taken in relation to Maioro in particular.
- [220] Mr
Kahukiwa further submits that the words “set apart and reserved” as
used in the 29 December 1864 Order in Council
meant the Crown did not
“take” the land pursuant to s 4 of the Act, and the Order in Council
was thereby ineffective
to extinguish pre-existing native customary title in the
land. But s 4 of the 1863 Act provided that the Governor may from time to
time
reserve “or” take any land within a District and that having
done so, the land was deemed to be Crown Land free of any earlier interests.
In
other words, from the point at which the Governor declared “such
land” (i.e. land that had been reserved or taken) as being required
for the purposes of the 1863 Act and subject to its provisions, prior title and
interests were extinguished.
- [221] Mr
Kahukiwa also referred to two decisions of the Privy Council which he says
support the proposition that in order to extinguish
native customary title, the
Order in Council must expressly state that the land is
“taken”.
- [222] The first
decision is Te Teira Te Paea v Te Roera Tareha (Te Paea).107
In Te Paea, land had been confiscated under the 1863 Act by way of
an Order in Council which declared certain lands to be a District and that
any
land in that District, not being the property of or held under grant from the
Crown, was “reserved and taken” (emphasis added) for the
purposes of the Act. The Order in Council also provided:
... that no Land of any loyal inhabitant within the said
District will be retained by the Government, and further, that all rebel
inhabitants of the said District who come in within a reasonable time and make
submission
to the Queen will receive a sufficient quantity of land within the
District for their maintenance.
(emphasis added)
- [223] Lord
Lindley, delivering the Privy Council’s judgment,
stated:108
The meaning and effect of this proclamation seems plain. None of
the lands in the district continued to be native lands within the
meaning of the
Native Land Acts. All native titles by native custom were extinguished. But the
Government was willing to grant out
lands in the district to loyal natives and
to others who should come in and submit within the time mentioned in the
107 Te Teira Te Paea v Te Roera Tareha [1902]
AC 56 (PC). I note in passing that the issue of the Order in Council in that
case not expressly setting aside individual or
specific sites within Districts
was also argued before the Court of Appeal in Te Paea as rendering the
Order in Council invalid. The point was not expressly addressed by the members
of the Court, though all proceeded
on the basis the Order in Council was valid.
The point does not appear to have been pursued on appeal to the Privy
Council.
108 At 61–62.
proclamation. Their title, however, to the lands granted to them would depend
entirely on the terms of their grants.
- [224] Te Paea
was later referred to and distinguished by the Privy Council in Kapua v
Haimona.109 In that case, the Order in Council provided that the
lands were “set apart and reserved as sites for settlement for
colonization agreeably to the provisions of the Act” (emphasis added). To
that point, the Order
in Council is in broadly the same terms as the Order in
Council in this case; it does not expressly state the lands are
“taken”.
The Order in Council in Kapua v Haimona was then
qualified in the following terms:
... no Land of any loyal inhabitant within the said district,
whether held by native custom or under Crown grant will be taken, except
so much as may be absolutely necessary for the security of the country,
compensation being given for all land so taken; and,
further, that all rebel
inhabitants of the said District who come in within a reasonable time and make
submission to the Queen will
receive a sufficient quantity of land within the
said District under grant from the Crown.
(emphasis added)
- [225] An issue
in Kapua v Haimona was whether in the absence of the word
“taken”, together with the terms of the qualification set out above,
native title
of “any loyal inhabitant” in the relevant land had been
extinguished.
- [226] The
appellants argued that the effect of the Order in Council was to extinguish
all native title in the land referred to, relying on Te Paea for
that proposition. The headnote to the judgment records the appellants’
argument as follows:110
It is not material that the Order
in Council in the present case did not declare that the whole land should be
“taken”,
since it declared that the lands should be “reserved
as sites for settlements for colonization”. The declaration that
no land
of any loyal inhabitant would be “taken” does not prevent the whole
of the land referred to in the Order being
deemed to be Crown land freed from
all other title as provided by s 4 of the Act. The effect is the same as if the
word “retained”
had been used as it was in the above cited
decision.
- [227] The Privy
Council disagreed. Viscount Haldane LC, delivering the unanimous judgment,
stated:111
109 Kapua v Haimona [1913] AC 761 (PC).
110 At 762.
111 At 764–765.
But in [Te Paea] the wording of the particular Order in Council
differed materially from the wording in the present case. Here, although
the land is “set apart and reserved as sites for settlement and
colonization,” the declaration which immediately follows shews that
this was a proceeding which was not to become operative so far as the land of
loyal inhabitants was concerned. In the case relied on, the words of the
Order were not “set apart and reserved”, but “reserved and
taken”,
and although there was a qualifying declaration as to loyal
inhabitants, it was simply that their land would not be “retained
by the
Government”. Their Lordships are of the opinion that the Order in Council
of September 2, 1865, did not extinguish the
native or other title of any
loyal inhabitant.
(emphasis added)
- [228] Accordingly,
the Privy Council’s conclusion that the interests of “loyal
inhabitants” were not extinguished
by the Order in Council was not because
the Order in Council did not use the word “taken”. Indeed, if the
absence of
the word “taken” meant the Order in Council was
ineffective to extinguish native title, there the issue would have ended,
as
no native title, whether held by loyal inhabitants or otherwise, would
have been extinguished by the Order in Council in that case. In
those
circumstances, the qualification would have been meaningless. Rather, the Privy
Council noted that “although” the
land had been “set apart and
reserved”, the qualification which immediately followed made it clear that
“this”
was not intended to apply or to be “operative” to
the extent of loyal inhabitants’ title or interests.
- [229] I
therefore do not consider these two decisions alter the conclusion reached
at
[220] above.
- [230] If I am
wrong, however, and the Order in Council was invalid for failing to comply with
the terms of ss 3 and 4 of the 1863
Act, then it is relevant that all steps
taken under the 1863 Act were later validated by the New Zealand Settlements
Acts Amendment
Act 1866 (the 1866 Act). I address the 1866 Act further below at
[290].
Was Ngāti Te Ata, or a section
of it, or any considerable number thereof, in rebellion?
- [231] This was
the primary ground of illegality advanced by the
plaintiffs.
- [232] As noted,
a pre-condition to confiscation was the Governor in Council being satisfied of
those matters set out in s 2 of the
1863 Act. It has never been suggested that
Ngāti Te Ata as an entire iwi was in rebellion. Rather, the Crown says that
the
evidence demonstrates a considerable number of the iwi went into rebellion from
August 1863.
- [233] Preliminary
issues are the meaning of “rebellion” as that term is used in s 2 of
the Act, and the approximate size
of Ngāti Te Ata in
1863.
- [234] Mr
Kahukiwa submits that irrespective of the numbers involved, no member of
Ngāti Te Ata can have been in “rebellion”
given the actions of
Māori in the Waikato in 1863 and 1864 were defensive to an unlawful
invasion by the Crown. Consistent with
this, in 1927, the Sim Commission
(conducting a Royal Inquiry into the confiscations carried out pursuant to the
1863 Act) observed:112
The Natives were treated as rebels
and war declared against them before they had engaged in rebellion of any kind,
and in the circumstances
they had no alternative but to fight in their own
self-defence. In their eyes the fight was not against the Queen’s
sovereignty,
but a struggle for house and home.
- [235] I have
also already referred to the Crown’s 1995 apology for wrongly labelling
Waikato (including Ngāti Te Ata)
“rebels”.
- [236] But
irrespective of how the Waikato Wars have come to be viewed in more contemporary
times or, more particularly, what or who
caused that state of affairs to come
about, there is no doubt a war took place. Accordingly, the concept of a
considerable number
of an iwi being in “rebellion”, in the context
in which the 1863 Act is to be interpreted, would naturally encompass
those
engaged in hostilities against, or in conflict with, Crown forces, irrespective
of whether those steps were originally a defensive
or offensive engagement. I
approach the concept of “rebellion” for the purposes of s 2 of the
1863 Act on that basis.
- [237] Turning
then to the size of Ngāti Te Ata in 1863. Mr Parker and Mr
Minhinnick’s evidence was sharply
divided on this
topic.
- [238] Mr
Minhinnick referred to an annual report of Reverend Maunsell in 1837, which Mr
Minhinnick said reflected services given by
the missionary at Orua113
and
- Sim
Commission “Report of the Commission to Inquire Into and Report as to
Grievances Alleged by Māori” [1928] I AJHR
1928 G–07 at
11.
113 At the north end of the Āwhitu
Peninsula.
reported a population “of 1073 in the immediate vicinity and a whole
population upward of 1700 strong”. Mr Minhinnick
also referred to the
missionary Hamlin’s report in 1839 of a regular congregation of around 200
and at times 250 people at
Orua. Mr Minhinnick said in cross-examination that
the records suggest that Maunsell and Hamlin’s district ran from the mouth
of the Manukau Harbour to the mouth of the Waikato River, and thus most of the
persons to whom they referred belonged to Ngāti
Te Ata.
- [239] Mr
Minhinnick also referred to a Government census in around 1870 which recorded a
population of Ngāti Te Ata of about
70; “approximately 70 remaining,
so a steep decline in the population of the iwi around that period”. Mr
Minhinnick also
referred to John White papers held at the National Archives and
said they showed around 183 Ngāti Te Ata men, though the time
period of
this is somewhat unclear.114
- [240] Other than
two documents,115 the underlying source materials referred to by Mr
Minhinnick were not produced in evidence. The first document produced, being a
part
of a letter written by Reverend Maunsell in 1837,
records:
The district we consider as under our peculiar charge is bounded
on the south by the mouth of the Waikato river, on the north by the
entrance of
the Manukau harbour.
- [241] The second
document produced is an extract from Reverend Maunsell’s report of the
year ending 31 December 1845, which
states:
It will be seen by the return that the number of worshippers in
immediate connection with this station is 970, that the children in
Sunday
Schools, make a total of 103 – making altogether 1073 – the whole
population is upward of 1700 of which about
300 are children.
- [242] Mr Parker
was asked whether he considered the materials referred to by Mr Minhinnick
demonstrated Ngāti Te Ata numbered
around 1700 in the 1840s. Mr
Parker said the first document tended to suggest the missionary’s district
was considerably
wider than just the Āwhitu Peninsula (referring to visits
to Wairoa on the
114 Mr Minhinnick also referred to an earlier report
he had prepared listing some 20 hapū of Ngāti Te Ata, though it did
not
list individuals belonging to each hapū and noted that not all 20
hapū were in existence at the same time.
115 Produced as exhibit D (original handwritten versions) with
exhibit E being a typed “translation” of the relevant extracts
of
the two documents.
Thames side, and Papakura), and the later 1845 document did not expressly state
what was Reverend Maunsell’s district. Mr Parker’s
evidence was,
however, that by 1845 Reverend Maunsell was not based at Orua, but had moved to
Maraetai near Port Waikato, and that
his district encompassed an area running up
the Waikato River and including the Manukau, meaning the figures referred to in
the second
document included Māori located south of the river, north of the
river and the whole of the Manukau.
- [243] Mr
Parker’s opinion was that the only reliable historical evidence suggests
that by 1863, Ngāti Te Ata was considerably
smaller than the numbers
referred to by Mr Minhinnick. Mr Parker referred to the correspondence dated
15 August 1863 in which Ahipene
Kaihau and Hori Tauroa informed Governor Grey
that members of Ngāti Te Ata had recently left to “go to
Waikato”.
It is convenient to set out again the relevant aspect of the
letter:
Oh friend, great is our darkness through their going away - now
they are separated from us and the remainder of the tribe have joined
themselves to us - altogether, those who left are 18 men (not counting Ihaia and
Raniera) and
the women who went with them would make the number thirty, those
who remain with us are thirty men and forty one women numbering
together seventy
one - not counting the children. What are we to do, people who have remained
under your assurances. It rests with you to arrange for us the place at which we
now
reside is Huarau. Better for you to inform us what your wishes are, we
should like to remain at Huarau.
(emphasis added)
- [244] Based on
this letter, in mid-1863, Ngāti Te Ata would have numbered some 101,
excluding children.
- [245] The only
other contemporaneous evidence directly bearing on the size of Ngāti Te Ata
in 1863 is a statement by Ahipene
Kaihau in an 1865 Compensation Court
hearing.116 This recorded:
There were about 100
Ngatitiatas, including women and children, existing now, who did not join in the
war. There were about 40 who
joined in the war...
116 Compensation Court hearing regarding Tuimata
Block, 22 May 1865. Tuimata was one of the eight blocks confiscated under the
Order
in Council of 29 December 1864, that is together with the Waiuku North and
South Blocks.
- [246] What is
now to be made of the above material? Ultimately, given the significant passage
of time and the fragmentary and incomplete
nature of what documentary evidence
remains (or at least, was adduced in evidence at trial), it is difficult to be
precise about
the numbers. However, I consider the most reliable evidence from
which the size of Ngāti Te Ata in 1863/1864 can be inferred
is Ahipene
Kaihau and Hori Tauroa’s letter to Governor Grey of August 1863 and the
record of Ahipene Kaihau’s statement
to the Compensation Court in 1865.
Both are consistent with each other (given the former did not include children)
and are sourced
to the then pre-eminent chief of Ngāti Te Ata. The
materials referred to by Mr Minhinnick are unclear, relate to different time
periods and are somewhat inconsistent with each other.
- [247] Mr
Minhinnick suggested the Chiefs’ letter of 15 August 1863 referenced only
those members of Ngāti Te Ata who were
present with Ahipene Kaihau at
Huarau, rather than the whole iwi. I accept the numbers referred to in the
letter may not have reflected every single member of the iwi.
But the letter
itself states that the “remainder of the tribe” had joined Ahipene
Kaihau at Huarau.
- [248] I
therefore conclude that the size of Ngāti Te Ata in 1863/1864 was around
100 to 150, more towards the latter figure once
children are
included.
- [249] The next
question is how many Ngāti Te Ata engaged in “rebellion”, as
that term was used in the 1863 Act.
- [250] As noted,
the Ngāti Te Ata chiefs reported in August 1863 that 30 members of
Ngāti Te Ata had left to join Waikato
at Meremere.117 The 1865
report to the Compensation Court said there were around 40 “who joined the
war”. It was also not in dispute that
12 Ngāti Te Ata had been taken
prisoner after the battle at Rangiriri pā on 21 November 1863.118
Those men were held prisoner on the hulk Marion and later on Kawau
Island (off the coast near Warkworth, the island owned by Governor Grey at the
time). Mr Parker referred to contemporaneous
newspaper reports that in February
1864, there were 14 Ngāti Te Ata prisoners on the hulk Marion and
that by
- Mr
Minhinnick agreed the letter was a “good record” of the number of
Ngāti Te Ata who left to join Waikato.
- There
were various published and unpublished lists of these prisoners; some referred
to 13 rather than 12, but the difference is not
material for present
purposes.
April 1864, the number had risen to 25 (though noted he had been unable to
verify these reports with separate corroborating evidence).
Mr Parker and Mr
Minhinnick also referred to a contemporaneous document written by John White in
1866,119 which listed 45 members of Ngāti Te Ata under the
heading “List of Rebels Belonging to Ngāti Te Ata, Male
Adults”.
- [251] Mr
Kahukiwa submits that it cannot be inferred that those 30 members of Ngāti
Te Ata who are referred to in the 15 August
1863 correspondence to Governor Grey
as leaving to join Waikato did so to engage in rebellion rather than, for
example, to be with
relatives at that time. But the factual narrative indicates
that some members of Ngāti Te Ata were engaged in conflict with
the Crown
in the period from August 1863, as a number were taken prisoner as a result. And
the whole tone of the Chiefs’ August
1863 letter to Governor Grey was to
the effect that 30 members of the iwi had left to join the war. Mr
Minhinnick’s evidence
was also that “some Ngāti Te Ata did
naturally arm themselves, after all, they were being invaded, and some were
present
and captured following the battle of Rangiriri ...”.120
Mr Minhinnick also said that “some Ngāti Te Ata were involved
in the fighting” (though on the basis this was a defensive
rather than
offensive engagement). I am therefore unable to accept Mr
Kahukiwa’s submission.
- [252] Again
recognising that precision is no longer possible, I conclude that approximately
30 to 40 members of Ngāti Te Ata
had been engaged in conflict with the
Crown since 15 August 1863, and more likely tending towards the larger
number.
- [253] On the
basis of the above numbers, can it be said that a “considerable
number” of Ngāti Te Ata were in rebellion
for the purposes of s 2 of
the 1863 Act?
- [254] Unsurprisingly,
the phrase a “considerable number thereof” is not defined in the
1863 Act. Mr Kahukiwa referred
to Lindsay v L Stevenson & Sons Ltd,
in which the expressed consideration for a guarantee was stated to be to
“do a considerable
119 Mr White was a Crown official, being at various
times a Resident Magistrate and a land purchase officer.
120 Mr Minhinnick also said that some Ngāti Te Ata were
killed in the battle of Rangiriri, leading to the emergence of Ngāti
Te Ata
Rangatirakore hapū (Without a Chief subtribe), Te Kāinga Ahi Hapū
(the Keepers of the Fire Burning subtribe)
and Te Whānau Pani hapū
(Bereaved Families subtribe).
portion of your business” with the guarantor.121 Webb J stated
that “[a] fair and reasonable interpretation of ‘a considerable
portion of your business’ is, I think,
at least half.”122
Mr Kahukiwa said a similar proposition should apply to the concept of a
“considerable number” of a tribe, and that a relatively
strict
approach was warranted given the nature of rights encroached through the
provisions of the 1863 Act.
- [255] As the
matter is one of statutory interpretation, the words should be given their plain
and ordinary meaning, in the context
in which they appear. As the Supreme Court
said in Commerce Commission v Fonterra Co-Operative Group
Ltd:123
[22] It is necessary to bear in mind that s 5
of the Interpretation Act 1999 makes text and purpose the key drivers of
statutory interpretation.
The meaning of an enactment must be ascertained from
its text and in the light of its purpose. Even if the meaning of the text may
appear plain in isolation of purpose, that meaning should always be
cross-checked against purpose in order to observe the dual requirements
of s 5.
In determining purpose the court must obviously have regard to both the
immediate and the general legislative context. Of
relevance too may be the
social, commercial or other objective of the enactment.
- [256] Turning to
the plain meaning of the text in issue, the following dictionary definitions of
“considerable” (in relation
to quantity or amount) provide some
assistance:
(a) “worthy of consideration by reason of magnitude;
somewhat large in amount, extent, duration etc; a good deal
of...”;124
(b) “enough in amount or extent to need
consideration”; and125
(c) “large enough to reckon with”.126
- [257] The
statutory context in which the words are used is also important. Section 2 of
the 1863 Act refers to a “Native Tribe
or a Section of a Tribe or
any considerable
121 Lindsay v L Stevenson & Sons Ltd
[1891] VicLawRp 25; (1891) 17 VLR 112 (VSC) at 113.
122 At 115.
- Commerce
Commission v Fonterra Co-Operative Group Ltd [2007] NZSC 36, [2007] 3 NZLR
767 (footnotes omitted).
124 Shorter Oxford English
Dictionary (6th ed, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2007) vol I at 496.
- Tony
Deverson and Graeme Kennedy (eds) The New Zealand Oxford Dictionary
(Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 2005) at
232.
126 Collins English Dictionary (13th ed,
Collins, Glasgow, 2018) at 432.
number thereof”. I proceed on the basis that the use of the word
“thereof” is a reference to the overall “Tribe”,
not to
a “Section” only. It was agreed at the hearing that a
“Section” was most likely a reference to a hapū.
A hapū,
as opposed to a tribe or iwi, would obviously vary in size and no doubt could be
relatively small.
- [258] I have
discussed earlier the broader social context to or purpose of the Act. That does
not shed any particular light on the
meaning of “a considerable number
thereof”, though I proceed on the basis that given the overall aim of
preventing further
insurrection and the maintenance of law and order, the
underlying concern was the collective number of Māori engaged in
conflict with the Crown (accepting that, in isolation, 30 to 40 members of
Ngāti Te Ata alone
were unlikely to present a significant security risk).
Because of this, the concept of a “considerable number thereof”
is
relative to the size of the tribe or iwi, rather than relative to any particular
security threat posed by those in “rebellion”.
- [259] Proceeding
on that basis, I do not consider any precise “cut off point” or
proportion (such as a half, or a third,
or two thirds of an iwi) can be adopted
as the meaning of a “considerable number thereof”. If such a precise
cut off
had been intended, then the statute would have presumably used words to
that effect.127 Rather, Parliament chose to use a relatively
imprecise test to describe the first pre-condition to confiscation. I conclude
that the
reference to a “considerable number thereof” means
something more significant than a de minimis number of members of
an iwi, or
something worthy of consideration. Beyond that, I do not consider the phrase is
capable of a more precise definition.
- [260] Applying
this to Ngāti Te Ata in 1863, I conclude that a total of around 30 to 40
members of an iwi totalling around 100
to 150 is a “considerable number
thereof”, particularly given the larger number includes children (who
presumably would
not have been a security concern or threat). The number of
Ngāti Te Ata engaged in “rebellion” on this basis is
clearly
more than de minimis. That the portion of the iwi that went into rebellion was
something significantly more than de minimis
and was “worthy of
consideration” is perhaps evidenced by the extent of Ahipene Kaihau
and
- See
a similar approach taken by the Court of Appeal in its recent judgment in
Accident Compensation Corporation v Ng [2020] NZCA 274 at
[64].
Hori Tauroa’s concern at those events, as evident from the contents of
their August 1863 letter to Governor Grey.
- [261] I
therefore do not accept the plaintiffs’ argument that the Confiscation was
unlawful because a “considerable
number” of Ngāti Te Ata
iwi had not, since 1 January 1863, been engaged in “rebellion”
against the
Crown.
Was the Confiscation ultra
vires on the basis no consideration was given to whether Ngāti Te Ata, or a
considerable number of it, were
engaged in rebellion?
- [262] No
evidence was adduced recording Governor Grey’s consideration of whether a
sufficient number of Ngāti Te Ata were
in rebellion for the purposes of s 2
of the Act. It is obviously not possible for direct evidence from the Governor,
or anyone else,
to be given on this topic. Whether any consideration given by
Governor Grey to these matters was recorded in writing but no longer
survives
(or has not been located), is unknown. Nor is there any evidence of any
commission or inquiry conducted on Governor Grey’s
instructions as to
whether the requirements of s 2 of the 1863 Act were met in the case of
Ngāti Te Ata.
- [263] The Order
in Council of course states on its face that the Governor in Council was
satisfied of those matters required by s 2 of the 1863 Act. But this in and
of itself cannot be conclusive. In Reade v Smith, Turner J rejected the
submission that where legislation empowers a person to make subordinate
legislation in circumstances where,
in the opinion of that person, it is
necessary to do so, the mere fact of the subordinate legislation is conclusive
and the Court
will not inquire further:128
I emphatically
reject the contention that the question of whether the condition has been
satisfied can be “conclusively decided
by the man who wields the
power”.
- [264] Turner J
further stated that:129
...the Court may, in my view, always inquire, in any case,
whether the Governor-General (or the Minister as the case may be) could
reasonably have formed any opinion, on law or fact, which is set up as a
foundation of the regulations. Admittedly, where the question
is one of fact,
and the sources of
128 Reade v Smith [1959] NZLR 996 (SC) at
1002, with reference to Lord Radcliffe’s observations in
Nakkuda Ali v Jayaratne [1951] AC 66 (PC) at 77.
129 At 1001.
governmental information are not disclosed, the question must always be
difficult, if not impossible, to resolve against the Crown.
- [265] The Court
of Appeal expressed similar views in Edwards v Onehunga High School
Board, a case which also concerned the scope of subordinate
legislation.130 Speight J, delivering the judgment of the Court,
stated that a discretionary power may be conferred in subjective or objective
terms,
and a discretionary power to act “when [the decision-maker] is
satisfied” of certain matters involves a subjective test.131 In
that context, Speight J stated:132
... that [the
legislative provision in this case] does not contain such words as “in the
opinion of the Board are necessary
or desirable”, nor any other words
which might justify the Court in taking the view that the test is subjective
with the result
that whenever it is established that the board was so satisfied
its decision to that effect cannot be attacked unless the board could not on
any reasonable basis have reached that decision.
(emphasis added)
- [266] To
similar effect is the Privy Council’s decision in
Ross-Clunis v Papadopoullos.133 Mr Kahukiwa relied on this
decision as support for the proposition that in the absence of reasons (as in
this case), the Court should
infer bad faith. The issues arising in
Ross-Clunis have some similarities to this aspect of the
plaintiffs’ claim so it is helpful to set out the broader context to the
decision.
- [267] The
litigation in Ross-Clunis concerned the validity of an order made by the
Commissioner of Limassol in Cyprus (the Commissioner) in which he imposed a
“collective”
fine of £35,000 on all assessable Greek-Cypriot
inhabitants of Limassol. The order was made under the Emergency Powers
(Collective
Punishment) Regulations 1955 (the Regulations), reg 3 of which
permitted a collective fine in the following
circumstances:
If an offence has been committed ... within any area of the
Colony ... and the Commissioner has reason to believe that all or any
of the
inhabitants of the said area have; ... (c) failed to take reasonable steps to
prevent the commission of the offence; or (d)
failed to render all the
assistance in their power to discover the offender or offenders ... it shall be
lawful for the Commissioner,
130 Edwards v Onehunga High School Board
[1974] 2 NZLR 238 (CA).
131 At 243.
132 At 243.
- Ross-Clunis
v Papadopoullos [1958] 1 WLR 546 (PC), applied in Public Trustee v McKay
[1969] NZLR 214 at 217.
with the approval of the Governor, ...
(i) to order that a fine be levied collectively on the assessable inhabitants of
the said area
...
- [268] Regulation
5(1) stipulated that no order could be made under reg 3 unless an inquiry into
the facts and circumstances giving
rise to such order had first been conducted
by the Commissioner. Regulation 5(2) further provided that, in holding such an
inquiry,
the Commissioner “shall satisfy himself” that the
inhabitants to be affected by the order were given an adequate opportunity
to
understand the subject matter of the inquiry and to make representations in
relation to it.
- [269] The
Commissioner carried out the necessary inquiry and then made the order imposing
the collective fine. The order on its face
stated that the Commissioner both had
reason to believe that those circumstances set out in reg 3 existed and that he
was satisfied
of those matters required by reg 5(2). In addition, after the
order had been challenged, the Commissioner swore an affidavit setting
out his
views on the inquiry and stated (at paragraph 12 of his affidavit) that
“in my view the inhabitants of the Limassol
town were given adequate
opportunity of understanding the subject-matter of the inquiry ... and of making
representations thereon...”.134
- [270] In arguing
that the Commissioner had discharged the positive duty to “satisfy
himself” of those matters required
under regs 5(1) and (2), counsel for
the Commissioner submitted that the statement in paragraph 12 of the
Commissioner’s affidavit
was a complete answer to the challenge to the
order, “unless it could be shown that the statement in the affidavit was
not
made in good faith”.135 The Privy Council rejected that
submission, Lord Morton of Henryton (delivering the unanimous judgment)
stating:136
There Lordships feel the force of this
argument, but they think that if it could be shown that there were no
grounds upon which the Commissioner could be so satisfied, a court might
infer either that he did not honestly form that view or that
in forming it he
could not have applied his mind to the relevant facts. In the present case,
however, there were ample grounds upon
which the appellant could feel
‘satisfied’ of the matters mentioned in regulation 5(2).
(emphasis in original)
134 At 554.
135 At 560.
136 At 560.
- [271] The
decision does not therefore stand for the proposition advanced by Mr
Kahukiwa, namely that in the absence of reasons
bad faith is to be inferred. Bad
faith, or that the decision-maker could not have applied his or her mind to the
relevant facts,
might be inferred where there are no grounds upon which
the decision-maker could have been satisfied of the relevant pre-conditions to
the exercise of their power. As
can be seen, this is also consistent with the
approach taken in cases of subordinate legislation, such as Edwards v
Onehunga High School Board.
- [272] Applying
these principles to the present facts, were there any grounds upon which the
Governor in Council could have been satisfied
of those matters required by s 2
of the 1863 Act? Or it is to be inferred that he did not turn his mind to the
relevant facts or
acted in bad faith?
- [273] I refer
first to the backdrop against which the 29 December 1864 Order in Council was
issued. As noted earlier, in his dispatch
of April 1864 to Governor Grey, the
Secretary of State for the Colonies had set out his concern at the content and
operation of the
1863 Act. In that context, Secretary Cardwell had told Governor
Grey that:
It should be clearly understood that your own concurrence in any
forfeiture is not to be considered as a mere Ministerial act, but
that it will
be withheld unless you are personally satisfied that the confiscation is just
and moderate.
- [274] On 17 May
1864, Governor Grey’s Ministers had submitted to him for approval a
proposed Order in Council which would have
effected a very significant
confiscation of Māori land. Governor Grey refused to approve that Order in
Council. On 24 October
1864, he sent a memorandum to his Ministers setting out
his concerns at, among other matters, the basis upon which the Order in Council
had been presented to him. The Ministers responded by memorandum dated 18
November 1864. The full memoranda evidence a vigorous and
ongoing debate between
Ministers and Governor Grey over the scope of the proposed confiscations,
including what Governor Grey perceived
to be a lack of detail to support the May
1864 draft Order in Council.
- [275] In this
context, in his memorandum of 24 October 1864 (and referring to the May Order in
Council), Governor Grey stated:
The District which the Ministers
advised the Governor to Proclaim within the provisions of the New Zealand
Settlements Act, consisted
of several millions of acres, and contained a large
number of Native tribes: the vast majority of the members of several of such
tribes had never, as the Governor believed, taken any part in the rebellion, but
on the contrary, had performed many acts of friendliness
to us.
- [276] Governor
Grey went on to state that:
...[T]he Order in Council which Ministers advised the Governor
to sign appeared to be repugnant to the New Zealand Settlements Act
and still
more important particular. The law required that the Governor in Council should
be satisfied that a considerable number
of a tribe, or section of a tribe, had
been engaged in rebellion. This clearly pre-supposed some preliminary inquiry
into the facts
of the case. Such an inquiry was possible in the case of a tribe
or of a section of a tribe: but such an inquiry was absolutely impossible
in the
case of such an extensive District of country, and of such a number of tribes,
as Ministers embraced in the Order in Council
they submitted to the Governor on
the 17th of May. The number of inhabitants contained within this District was
absolutely unknown,
and could not without any reasonable time be ascertained;
whilst the proportion of them which had been engaged in the rebellion it
was
quite impossible to ascertain. No such inquiry as was contemplated by the Act
had therefore taken place, yet Ministers advised
the Governor to sign an Order
in Council declaring that which implied that such an inquiry had been
instituted, and that the Governor
was satisfied as to the nature of the result,
and that he had thereupon had brought all the Native inhabitants within the
District
under the provisions of the law which might entail the forfeiture of
their entire landed property within that District, upon all
persons who had
committed offences even of so trivial a character that it would have been
probably difficult, in a race related to
one another as the Natives are, for
many persons within that District to escape falling under some one of the
provisions named in
the Act.
- [277] Governor
Grey also referred to other Orders in Council under the 1863 Act which he had
signed, noting:
One of these districts embraced a very large extent of country,
including much territory which had neither been taken possession of
or occupied
by our troops. The Governor was, however, satisfied of his own knowledge that a
considerable number of the Natives within
those districts had been engaged in
rebellion against Her Majesty’s authority, or had carried arms against Her
Majesty’s
forces since the 1st day of January 1863; he, therefore,
determined to show how great his anxiety was to meet the views of his
Responsible
Advisers, signed these Orders in Council.
- [278] Accordingly,
while now, some 160 years later, no documentary evidence was adduced of any
separate inquiry or process carried
out by Governor Grey prior to signing the 29
December 1864 Order in Council, the above materials indicate that the
Governor:
(a) was aware of the rigor he was expected to bring to his
task under the 1863 Act;
(b) was personally aware of matters such as which iwi, or parts
thereof, had gone into rebellion; and
(c) had demonstrated that he would decline to sign proposed
Orders in Council under the 1863 Act where he was not personally satisfied
of
those matters required by s 2 of the 1863 Act.
- [279] In
addition and importantly, I have concluded that a considerable number of
Ngāti Te Ata had engaged in “rebellion” since 1 January
1863. Governor Grey was also personally aware from Ahipene Kaihau and Hori
Tauroa’s
letter to him of 15 August 1863 that at least 30 members of
Ngāti Te Ata had joined Waikato. It is also possible (but cannot
be pitched
any higher than that) that the Governor was aware of Ngāti Te Ata’s
subsequent involvement in the conflict
from, for example, the fact some 12
Ngāti Te Ata members were held prisoner on Kawau Island, which he
personally owned at the
time.
- [280] It cannot
therefore be concluded that there were no grounds upon which Governor
Grey could have been satisfied of the pre-conditions to confiscation set out in
s 2 of the 1863 Act. I
accordingly decline to infer bad faith or that the
Governor in Council could not have turned his mind to the relevant
facts.
Confiscation for an unlawful
purpose/Maioro was never settled?
- [281] To recap:
the plaintiffs say the power to issue the Order in Council was not exercised for
the purpose of the 1863 Act, but
for a collateral purpose,137 namely
to acquire land generally.138
- [282] I have
addressed earlier the purpose of the 1863 Act. I am not persuaded the evidence
before me supports the conclusion that
the Confiscation of the Waiuku North and
South Blocks, including Maioro, falls outside the broad purposes of the 1863
Act,
137 Third amended statement of claim at [184.3].
138 Third amended statement of claim at [206].
and in particular, for the purpose of acquiring land for settlement (by military
and non- military settlers) as a means of preventing
further insurrection or
rebellion.
- [283] The 1863
Act on its terms envisaged that only part of the land confiscated would
be used for military settlements, with the balance being sold to non-military
settlers. As noted, the
plaintiffs’ own case is that Ngāti Te
Ata’s land was coveted “for settlement”.139 Mr
Minhinnick also referred to the fact that, prior to the Waiuku Deed and the
Confiscation, the whole area was being surveyed throughout
1864 for the purposes
of eventual confiscation and settlement. And as noted at [116] above, after the
Confiscation, lots within the
confiscated area were available for sale by June
1865. These steps, both before and after the Confiscation, demonstrate a link
between
the Confiscation itself and the purpose of
settlement.
- [284] Mr
Kahukiwa submits that as Maioro was never itself the subject of actual farm or
town settlement, it follows that this land
in particular was taken for a purpose
other than as permitted by the 1863 Act. I do not agree. I accept the
Crown’s submission
that the purpose of the Act was not so narrow as to
acquire only land upon which farms and town settlements would actually be
sited. Rather, the purpose was to acquire land to facilitate the broader purpose
of settlement, by military and non-military settlers.
This might include, for
example, land to be used for services to support any settlements (such as roads
and the like). This broad
concept of acquiring land for settlement is seen in
the scheme of the 1863 Act itself, including the hierarchy of uses to which land
could be put under ss 16 to 18 of the Act.
- [285] The
evidence which remains today of the treatment or use of Maioro itself in the
years immediately following the Confiscation
is relatively scant. But at the
least, Crown grants were issued to European purchasers of land within the
north-eastern border of
Maioro, as seen in the map replicated at [116] above. It
also appears that for a time, 40 acres forming a part of Maioro was leased
to
settlers for the purpose of a paddock for cattle in transit. Later, 100 acres of
land within Maioro was reserved under the Land
Act 1908 as a stock resting and
landing place.140 Again, these steps are consistent with the broader
concept of “settlement”.
139 Third amended statement of claim at [24.2].
140 See [136] above.
- [286] I
therefore do not consider it can be inferred, merely from the fact that
settlement in the traditional sense did not occur
on large tracts of Maioro,
that the Confiscation itself was for an unlawful purpose.
Profiting from illegal
conduct?
- [287] The
plaintiffs also plead that the Crown unlawfully invaded Waikato and sought to
profit from its own unlawful attack by labelling
those acting in self-defence
“rebels” and using that as a basis for confiscation under the 1863
Act. The plaintiffs allege
that the Crown’s attempt to profit from its own
unlawful attack gives rise to a constructive trust in favour of Ngāti
Te
Ata over the lands acquired under the Waiuku Deed and the Order in
Council.
- [288] Again, and
to repeat what has been said earlier, irrespective of more contemporary views on
the Waikato Wars, it was Parliament,
rather than the Crown, which through the
1863 Act created the legal concepts which must be applied to this aspect of the
plaintiffs’
case. Parliament is ultimately sovereign.141
Accordingly, on the basis that the Confiscation was valid under the terms
of the 1863 Act (as I have concluded it was), it is not
open to this Court to
set it aside.
- [289] Ultimately,
the plaintiffs did not advance any substantive submissions on this aspect of
their pleaded case. In the absence
of any identified legal cause of action or
argument as to the basis on which the pleaded constructive trust is said to have
arisen,
it is not appropriate or indeed possible for me to say anything further
on it.
Confiscation - conclusion
- [290] I
accordingly conclude that the Confiscation was a valid exercise of the powers
granted by the 1863 Act. For that reason, it
is strictly unnecessary for me to
address the Crown’s final argument on this topic, namely that even if the
29 December 1864
Order in Council was ultra vires, it was validated by s 6 of
the 1866 Act. I therefore make some brief observations
only.
- [291] Section 6
of the 1866 Act provided as follows:
141 Shaw v Commissioner of Inland Revenue
[1999] 3 NZLR 154 (CA) at [13].
VI. All orders proclamations and regulations and all grants awards and
other proceedings of the Governor or of any Court of Compensation
or any Judge
thereof heretofore made done or taken under authority of the said Acts or either
of them are hereby declared to have
been and to be absolutely valid and none of
them shall be called in question by reason of any omission or defect of or in
any of
the forms or things provided in the said Acts or either of them.
- [292] The
section therefore combined a validation clause with a privative
clause.
- [293] Statutory
provisions amounting to retrospective validation of earlier exercises of
statutory power are not uncommon.142 They may be in
“plenary” form (and so cover all forms of invalidity) or directed to
particular forms of invalidity.143 The validation aspect of s 6 of
the 1866 Act is an example of the former. Validation clauses are also not
constitutionally objectionable.144
- [294] To the
extent s 6 of the 1866 Act purported to retrospectively validate earlier orders,
proclamations and other steps taken
under the 1863 Act, it did so in broad,
clear and express terms. It is therefore an example of a validation clause which
“leaves
no room for residual illegalities”.145 Mr
Kahukiwa submitted that, properly interpreted, s 6 was directed to matters of
form rather than substance. I do not agree, at least
in relation to the
validation aspect of s 6. As noted, it is framed in broad, clear and express
terms. As Heron J stated in Taylor v Minister of Customs,
“legislation in plain terms must mean what it says, and validating
legislation should not be any different.”146 Ultimately,
Parliament determined that it was appropriate and in the overall public interest
to enact the validating legislation,
and to the extent it did so in clear and
express terms, it is the Court’s obligation to enforce
it.
- [295] Had I
found the Order in Council to be ultra vires, I would therefore have concluded
that s 6 of the 1866 Act retrospectively
validated it.
142 Ross Carter Burrows and Carter Statute Law in
New Zealand (5th ed, LexisNexis, Wellington, 2015) at 613–614.
143 See Mangawhai Ratepayers and Residents Association Inc v
Kaipara District Council [2015] NZCA 612, [2016] 2 NZLR 437 for an example
of validating legislation which left “no room for residual
illegalities” (at [195]);
see also [121]–[122].
144 At [205].
145 At [195].
146 Taylor v Minister of Customs HC Auckland A1461/85, 12
June 1986 at 9.
Does the Crown owe Ngāti Te Ata a fiduciary or other
equitable duty?
Introduction
- [296] The
plaintiffs’ claim is that the Crown’s purported acquisition of
Maioro by the Waiuku Deed, which is voidable,
and/or the Confiscation, which was
unlawful, amounted to a breach of a fiduciary duty owed by the Crown to
Ngāti Te Ata.
- [297] I have
dismissed the plaintiffs’ claims concerning the circumstances in which the
Waiuku Deed was entered into and found
the Confiscation to be a lawful exercise
of the powers under the 1863 Act. Given these conclusions, it is strictly
unnecessary for
me to determine whether the Crown owed Ngāti Te Ata a
fiduciary duty. But given the question of a fiduciary duty was fully argued
before me, and in the event this matter proceeds to another jurisdiction, I
address the existence of fiduciary duty in the following
section of my
judgment.
Summary of submissions
- [298] The
pleaded basis for the fiduciary duty in this case is broad. But in both his
opening and closing submissions, Mr Kahukiwa
focused on s 73 of the Constitution
Act, namely the Crown’s right of
pre-emption.147
- [299] It is
convenient to set out the terms of s 73 at the outset:
It shall not be lawful for any person other than Her Majesty,
Her heirs or successors, to purchase, or in anywise acquire, or accept,
from the
aboriginal Natives, land of or belonging to, or used or occupied by them in
common as Tribes or Communities, or to accept
any release or extinguishment of
the rights of such aboriginal Natives in any such land as aforesaid; and no
conveyance or transfer,
or agreement for the conveyance or transfer of any such
land, either in perpetuity or for any term or period, either absolutely or
conditionally, and either in property, or by way of lease or occupancy, and no
such release or extinguishment, as aforesaid, shall
be of any validity or
effect, unless the same be made to, or entered into with, and accepted by, Her
Majesty, Her heirs or successors:
Provided always, that it shall be lawful for
Her Majesty, Her heirs and successors, by instructions under the Signet and
Royal Sign
Manual, or signified through one of Her Majesty’s principal
Secretaries of State, to delegate Her powers of accepting such
conveyances or
agreements, releases or relinquishments, to the Governor of New Zealand, or the
Superintendent of any Province within
the limits of such Province, and to
- In
his oral closing submission, Mr Kahukiwa described the right of pre-emption as
the “anchor point” for the fiduciary
duty.
prescribe or
regulate the terms on which such conveyances or agreements, releases, or
extinguishments, shall be accepted.
- [300] In support
of the argument that s 73 “necessarily” gave rise to a fiduciary
duty, Mr Kahukiwa relies on relevant
Canadian authorities and in particular, the
Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in Guerin, as well as the
approach adopted by Elias CJ in Wakatū.148 I discuss
these authorities in some detail later in this section of my judgment. In short,
however, Mr Kahukiwa says they support
the conclusion that the historical
relationship between Māori and the Crown, the nature of Māori
customary interests in
land, together with the Crown’s discretionary power
under the right of pre- emption, gave rise to an assumption of responsibility
on
the Crown’s part towards Māori of a nature giving rise to a private
law duty.
- [301] Mr
Kinsler, on the other hand, says that Guerin and Wakatū do
not stand for the broad-based (and broad ranging) fiduciary duty advanced by the
plaintiffs in this case. Instead, he says those
and similar authorities confirm
the existence of a fiduciary duty in circumstances where the Crown has assumed a
particular responsibility to act on behalf of or for the benefit of
indigenous proprietors, free of other competing interests. Mr Kinsler says
this
is consistent with an orthodox approach to fiduciary duties in this
jurisdiction.
- [302] Mr Kinsler
cautions against transplanting the Canadian approach to this jurisdiction in any
event. He says the fiduciary duty
found to exist in Guerin and cases
which follow it is grounded in the particular Canadian statutory framework which
does not exist in New Zealand.149 He says that without more, the
right of pre-emption in this jurisdiction did not carry with it an obligation to
act solely for the
benefit of or on behalf of Māori customary owners, to
the exclusion of other competing interests. And he says the bespoke regime
in
this country established by Parliament through the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975
further distinguishes the landscape from that existing
in
Canada.
- Guerin
v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR 335; and Proprietors of Wakatū v
Attorney-General [2017] NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 per Elias CJ.
- Most
importantly, s 18(1) of the Indian Act RSC 1952 c 149 (and its predecessors and
successor). The full text of s 18(1) is set out
at [307] below.
- [303] As noted,
the majority of the Supreme Court in Wakatū found a fiduciary duty
was owed by the Crown to the original Māori customary owners in that case.
Wakatū might therefore be seen to be the start and end point of
consideration of the parties’ competing arguments in this case. But
rather
than jump straight to Wakatū, I have found it helpful, and indeed
necessary, to review earlier New Zealand appellate authority and the leading
Canadian decisions
on which the plaintiffs rely. This is because the basis for
the fiduciary duty found to exist in Wakatū was in fact relatively
narrow. In contrast, the source of the alleged fiduciary duty in this case is
broad. Mr Kahukiwa accepts
the fiduciary duty urged by the plaintiffs is
novel, and would involve an extension of existing legal principles in this
jurisdiction.
Earlier authorities on fiduciary
duty
- [304] The
starting point of any review of contemporary New Zealand jurisprudence on this
topic is the Court of Appeal’s 1987
decision in the Lands
case.150 Before turning to that decision however, I first discuss
the Canadian Supreme Court’s judgment in Guerin, which was
delivered some three years earlier.151 Guerin has played an
important role in the Court of Appeal and more recently the Supreme
Court’s consideration of whether the Crown
owes a fiduciary duty to
Māori.
- [305] The
litigation in Guerin arose out of the surrender by an Indian Band of
surplus reserve land to the Crown for onward lease to a golf club. When the
Crown
came to lease the land to the golf club, however, it was on terms much
less favourable than those approved by the Band and on which
the reserve land
had been surrendered.
- [306] The
backdrop to the claim was the basis upon which reserve land was held and
surrendered to the Crown in North America.152 There, the
Crown’s title (obtained by discovery) was “burdened” or
encumbered by a “personal and usufructory
right” of the native
occupants of reserve lands.153 That land only became unencumbered
Crown land if native title was extinguished by statute or, following the Royal
Proclamation of
1763, by “surrender” to the Crown for onward sale or
lease. As Elias CJ in Wakatū
150 New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [1987] 1 NZLR 641 (CA).
151 Guerin v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR 335.
- See,
generally, Elias CJ in Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General
[2017] NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at
[341]–[342].
153 At [341].
explained “[t]he Crown’s exclusive right to accept surrender of land
either for on-sale or for lease was continued in
legislation, including in s
18(1) of the Indian Act 1952.”154
- [307] Given s
18(1) was central to the Court’s decision in Guerin, it is
convenient to set it out here:
18 (1) Subject to the provisions of this Act, reserves shall be
held by Her Majesty for the use and benefit of the respective bands
for which
they were set apart; and subject to this Act and to the terms of any treaty or
surrender, the Governor in Council may determine
whether any purpose for which
lands in a reserve are used or are to be used is for the use and benefit of the
band.
- [308] Prior to
Guerin, the scope of the Indian Act’s provisions and the
obligations it placed on the Crown were unclear. In Guerin, the claimants
said that s 18(1) imposed an enforceable trust or, at a minimum, fiduciary
duties on the Crown with respect to reserve
lands held by it for the use and
benefit of Indian bands.
- [309] Dickson J,
delivering the judgment of the majority of the Court, accepted the Crown owed
the Indian band an enforceable fiduciary
duty. He explained the basis for such a
fiduciary duty as follows:155
In my view, the nature of
Indian title and the framework of the statutory scheme established for disposing
of Indian land places upon the Crown an equitable obligation, enforceable by
the courts, to deal with the land for the benefit of the Indians. This
obligation does not amount to a trust in the private law sense. It is rather a
fiduciary duty. If, however, the Crown breaches
this fiduciary duty it will be
liable to the Indians in the same way and to the same extent as if such a trust
were in effect.
The fiduciary relationship between the Crown and the Indians has
its roots in the concept of aboriginal, native or Indian title. The
fact that
Indian Bands have a certain interest in land does not, however, in itself give
rise to a fiduciary relationship between
the Indians and the Crown. The
conclusion that the Crown is fiduciary depends upon the further proposition that
the Indian interest in the land is inalienable
except upon surrender to the
Crown.
An Indian Band is prohibited from directly transferring its
interest to a third party. Any sale or lease of land can only be carried
out
after a surrender has taken place, with the Crown then acting on the
band’s behalf. The Crown first took this responsibility upon itself in
the Royal Proclamation of 1763. It is still recognised in the surrender
provisions of the Indian Act. The surrender
154 At [341].
155 Guerin v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR 335 at 376.
requirement, and the responsibility it entails, are the source of a distinct
fiduciary obligation owed by the Crown to the Indians.
(emphasis added)
- [310] Elaborating
on the source of the fiduciary duty, Dickson J
said:156
Indians have a legal right to occupy and possess certain lands,
the ultimate title to which is in the Crown. While their interest
does not,
strictly speaking, amount to beneficial ownership, neither is its nature
completely exhausted by the concept of a personal
right. It is true that the sui
generis interest which the Indians have in the land is personal in the sense
that it cannot be transferred
to a grantee, but it is also true, as will
presently appear, that the interest gives rise upon surrender to a
distinctive fiduciary obligation on the part of the Crown to deal with the land
for
the benefit of the surrendering Indians. These two aspects of Indian
title go together, since the Crown’s original purpose in declaring the
Indians’ interest
to be inalienable otherwise than to the Crown was to
facilitate the Crown’s ability to represent the Indians in dealing with
third parties. The nature of the Indians’ interest is therefore best
characterised by its general inalienability, coupled with the fact that the
Crown is under an obligation to deal with the land on the Indians’ behalf
when the interest is
surrendered. Any description of Indian title which goes
beyond these two features is both unnecessary and potentially misleading.
(emphasis added)
- [311] Wilson J,
delivering the judgment of Ritchie, McIntyre JJ and herself, adopted a similar
approach, though went further than
the majority in holding that the
Crown’s fiduciary duty also crystallised into an express trust on
surrender to the Crown.
- [312] Elias CJ
noted in Wakatū that the Supreme Court in Canada has continued to
recognise the distinction between the fiduciary responsibilities of the Crown
when
acting on behalf of Indian bands in dealing with land in which they have
interests, and its governmental responsibilities.157 In Wewaykum
Indian Band v Canada, Binnie J summarised the position reached as
follows:158
I do not suggest that the existence of a public law duty
necessarily excludes the creation of a fiduciary relationship. The latter,
however, depends on identification of a cognizable Indian interest, and the
Crown’s undertaking of discretionary control in
relation thereto in a
way that invokes responsibility
156 At 382.
157 Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General [2017]
NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [354].
158 Wewaykum Indian Band v Canada 2002 SCC 79, [2002] 4 SCR
245 at [85]. Wewaykum did not involve the surrender of reserve land, but
the creation of reserve land for the benefit of Indian bands in which there was
no pre-existing native property interest.
“in the nature of a private law duty”. (emphasis
added)
- [313] More
recent academic commentary has suggested however, that the present jurisprudence
in Canada represents “a long path
of Canadian shifts away from
Guerin, or at least attempts to confine it to very limited contexts,
while preferring a focus on public law doctrines like the honour of
the
Crown”.159
- [314] Turning
back for present purposes to this jurisdiction and the Lands case, that
litigation arose from the then Government’s proposal to transfer large
tracts of Crown land to state-owned enterprises
under the provisions of the SOE
Act. Section 9 of the SOE Act provided that “[n]othing in this Act shall
permit the Crown to
act in a manner that is inconsistent with the principles of
the Treaty of Waitangi”. Section 27 went on to set out a number
of
protections in respect of land to be transferred to a state-owned enterprise
which was, as at 18 December 1986, the subject of
a claim to the Waitangi
Tribunal under the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975.
- [315] The New
Zealand Māori Council and its Chairman, Sir Graham Latimer, applied for
review of the proposed exercise of the
statutory power to transfer Crown land to
a state-owned enterprise. They argued, in short, that to do so without the Crown
first
establishing a system for considering whether any such transfer would be
inconsistent with the principles of the Treaty (particularly
in relation to land
which fell outside the protection offered by s 27) would be
unlawful.
- [316] All
members of the Court of Appeal readily found that the wholesale transfer of
land, without a proper system or mechanism in
place to consider whether a
transfer would breach the principles of the Treaty, would be unlawful. The Court
also reaffirmed that
Treaty rights and principles cannot be directly enforced in
the courts unless through a statutory recognition of the rights arising
under
it, as in s 9 itself.160
159 See Dwight Newman “Wakatū and
Transnational Dimensions of Indigenous Rights Discourse” [2019] NZ L Rev
61 at 65 and 68–79.
160 New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
[1987] 1 NZLR 641 (CA) at 655 per Cooke P (referring to Hoani Te Heuheu
Tukino v Aotea District Māori Land Board [1941] AC 308 (PC)); and
691–692 per Somers J.
- [317] In
addressing the principles of the Treaty, Cooke P confirmed the Treaty signified
a partnership between races and that the
Crown, as a partner acting towards the
Māori partner, must act with the utmost good faith. He went on to
observe:161
What has already been said amounts to
acceptance of the submission for the applicants that the relationship between
the Treaty partners
creates responsibilities analogous to fiduciary duties.
- [318] In
concluding his judgment, and while noting that each member of the Court had
delivered a separate decision, Cooke P noted
that the Court had reached
“two major conclusions”:162
First that the
principles of the Treaty of Waitangi override everything else in the State-Owned
Enterprises Act. Second that those
principles require the Pākehā and
Māori Treaty partners to act towards each other reasonably and with the
utmost good
faith.
- [319] In a
series of subsequent Court of Appeal decisions delivered by Cooke P in 1990,
1993 and 1994,163 Cooke P expanded on the concept of fiduciary duties
owed by the Crown to Māori. Elias CJ in Paki (No 2) summarised His
Honour’s (obiter) statements as
follows:164
As Cooke P suggested in Te Runanga o Muriwhenua Inc v
Attorney-General the idea that the Crown in New Zealand has lesser
obligations to its indigenous people than are owed to the indigenous peoples of
other jurisdictions, is unattractive. It is difficult to reconcile with the
terms of the Treaty of Waitangi. Cooke P said of the
Treaty that it created
“an enduring relationship of a fiduciary nature” in which each party
accepted a “positive
duty to act in good faith, fairly, reasonably and
honourably to the other”. Extinguishment of Māori property rights by
“less than fair conduct or on less than fair terms” was, he
thought:
... likely to be a breach of the fiduciary duty widely and
increasingly recognised as falling on the colonising power.
- [320] McGrath J
in Paki (No 2) also referred to Cooke P’s observations,
stating:165
There are obiter references in judgments of the Court of Appeal
delivered by Cooke P subsequent to the [Lands case] to the possibility
that the Crown may
161 At 664.
162 At 667.
163 Te Runanga o Muriwhenua Inc v Attorney-General [1990] NZCA 7; [1990] 2
NZLR 641 (CA); Te Runanga o Wharekauri Rekohu Inc v Attorney-General
[1993] 2 NZLR 301 (CA); and Te Runanganui o Te Ika Whenua Inc Society v
Attorney-General [1993] NZCA 218; [1994] 2 NZLR 20 (CA).
164 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118, [2015]
1 NZLR 67 at [152] (footnotes omitted).
165 At [186] (footnotes omitted).
owe Māori a fiduciary duty under New Zealand law. These dicta indicate
that while the Treaty of Waitangi provides “major
support” for the
existence of such obligations in New Zealand, recognition of a duty would not
mean that the Treaty is being
directly enforced in the domestic courts. Rather,
a sui generis fiduciary duty would arise between the Crown and certain
Māori,
in the circumstances of particular situations, and against the
background of the relationship constituted by the Treaty of Waitangi.
- [321] The
question of whether the Crown might owe Māori a fiduciary duty was examined
again by the Court of Appeal in New Zealand Maori Council v
Attorney-
General in 2007 (the Te Arawa
case).166
- [322] The claim
in that case arose from the Crown’s entry into a deed of settlement with
iwi and hapū affiliated with Te
Arawa concerning historical breaches of the
Treaty. The Deed was to be given effect by the passing of legislation which the
Government
undertook to introduce. The New Zealand Māori Council commenced
proceedings on behalf of other Māori claimants, alleging
the Crown was in
breach of various obligations and its actions were inconsistent with its
fiduciary duty owed to Māori.
- [323] In the
High Court, Gendall J stated (obiter), that the Treaty directly imposed on the
Crown a fiduciary duty owed to all Māori.167 On appeal, the
Crown argued that Gendall J’s obiter comment was wrong in law in that the
duty owed was not a private law fiduciary
duty.
- [324] The Court
of Appeal’s unanimous decision was delivered by O’Regan J. In the
context of the suggested fiduciary duty,
O’Regan J said that the law was
clearly stated in the Lands case, but that “it is important to
remember the ambit of [that] case” (namely considering the principles of
the Treaty
through the lens of s 9 of the SOE Act).168 And referring
to a later Court of Appeal decision on which Gendall J had relied in the High
Court (the Radio Frequencies case),169 O’Regan J noted
that Cooke P’s
166 New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [2007] NZCA 269, [2008] 1 NZLR 318. In Paki (No 2)
[2014] NZSC 118, [2015] 1 NZLR 67, the decision was described by Elias CJ
(at [150]) as “controversial”, and by McGrath J as containing
“sharply contrasting” views to the earlier Court of Appeal decisions
(at [187], fn 347).
167 New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General HC
Wellington CIV-2007-485-95, 4 May 2007 at [94].
168 New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
[2007] NZCA 269, [2008] 1 NZLR 318 at [62].
169 Attorney-General v New Zealand Māori Council
[1991] 2 NZLR 129 (CA).
observations in that case stopped short of saying the claim was an action
founded directly on the Treaty.170 O’Regan J noted the other
members of the majority decided the case by reference to settled administrative
law principles and
therefore concluded:171
... [A] majority of 4–1 considered that the case could be
decided with reference to ordinary administrative law principles.
We do not
therefore agree with Gendall J that this case stands for the proposition that
fiduciary duties, sourced from the Treaty
itself, can form the basis of an
action in New Zealand courts.
We are satisfied that the law is as stated in the Lands
case. We do not see the Radio Frequencies case as overriding that
statement of principle. That is not to say that the Treaty does not have direct
impact in judicial review
cases or in cases involving statutory
interpretation.
- [325] O’Regan
J also addressed the Canadian authorities relied on by the appellants stating
that they reflected “the different
statutory and constitutional context in
Canada.”172 In this context, O’Regan J
stated:173
In particular, we see difficulties in applying
the duty of a fiduciary not to place itself in a position of conflict of
interest to
the Crown, which, in addition to its duty to Māori under the
Treaty, has a duty to the population as a whole. The present case
illustrates
another aspect of this problem: the Crown may find itself in a position where
its duty to one Māori claimant group
conflicts with its duty to another. If
Gendall J was saying that the Crown has a fiduciary duty in a private law sense
that is enforceable
against the Crown in equity, we respectfully disagree.
- [326] The
question of a fiduciary relationship between the Crown and Māori came
before the appellate courts again in Paki (No
2).174
- [327] The
plaintiffs were members of the Pouakani hapū. The hapū had issued
various sets of proceedings in the Waitangi
Tribunal, the Māori Land Court
and the High Court which were all resolved by the passing of the Pouakani Claims
Settlement Act
2000 (the Settlement Act). Section 10(2) of the Settlement Act
excluded from the matters settled by the Act “any claim by a
Pouakani
claimant to the Waikato River”.
170 New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [2007] NZCA 269, [2008] 1 NZLR 318 at [68].
171 At [71]–[72].
172 At [81].
173 At [81]. Leave was granted to appeal to the Supreme Court, but
the matter resolved before the hearing. In withdrawing the appeal,
the parties
requested the Supreme Court to note in the relevant minute that the Court of
Appeal’s comments on fiduciary duty
had been obiter. One might surmise
that this (joint) request was a term of the settlement.
174 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118, [2015]
1 NZLR 67.
- [328] The
plaintiffs issued proceedings claiming a beneficial interest in the length of
the bed of the Waikato River adjoining their former riparian land (which
had been sold to the Crown). The claim was advanced on the basis
that, at the
time of purchasing the riparian land, the Crown had not advised or explained to
the vendors that when selling the land,
they would also be taken to be selling
the land to the riverbed’s midpoint.175 The claimants argued
the Crown was in a fiduciary relationship with Māori and had breached its
fiduciary duties by not explaining
this to the vendors at the
time.
- [329] The Crown
pointed to s 10(2) of the Settlement Act and argued that the claim was not
justiciable. It also denied any fiduciary
duty arose. It also argued that
pursuant to s 14 of the Coal Mines Amendment Act 1903 (the 1903 Act), the beds
of all “navigable
rivers” were deemed to have always been vested in
the Crown in any event. It said the Waikato River was navigable in 1903 and
therefore any interests the claimants had in the river had been
extinguished.176
- [330] The High
Court found for the Crown on all issues. The plaintiffs
appealed.
- [331] The Court
of Appeal held that s 10(2) of the Settlement Act included the river bed as well
as the water, and thus claims relating
to both were excluded from the
settlement. It held, however, that the Waikato River was a
“navigable” river in 1903 and
accordingly vested in the Crown under
the 1903 Act. The Court also made a number of (obiter) statements in relation to
the suggested
fiduciary duty.177
- [332] Hammond J
delivered the decision of the Court. Having referred to the earlier authorities
discussed above, his Honour addressed
what were referred to as practical
difficulties with the concept of fiduciary duty, and that it “carries with
it a substantial
amount of legal baggage”.178 He noted that
once a particular relationship is
175 Based on the riparian principle “usque ad
medium filum aquae”.
176 To the extent the Waikato River had been
“navigable” in 1903, the plaintiffs accepted that proposition.
177 The pleaded basis for a fiduciary duty in Paki is
replicated in the Court of Appeal’s decision (Paki v Attorney-General
[2009] NZCA 584, [2011] 1 NZLR 125 at [88]) and is in somewhat similar terms
to the pleading in this case, at least insofar as the duty is said to arise from
the Treaty, the
Crown’s right of pre-emption and the vendors’
vulnerability at the time.
178 At [102].
categorised as a fiduciary one, other matters, such as remedies are
“largely dictated” by that categorisation.179 Hammond J
stated:180
There is an unfortunate and visceral downside to the employment
of the fiduciary concept in the Crown-Māori context. A fiduciary
standard
would impose an obligation on the Crown to act with real selflessness
vis-à-vis a disadvantaged party (here, the
Māori). In a real sense,
this implies superiority on the part of the Crown and inferiority on the part of
Māori. This is
quite at odds both with the historical fact of the Treaty of
Waitangi, and what is said about it and the position of Māori today.
This
resort to a fiduciary principle carries an unfortunate and erroneous affirmation
of a most public kind as to the inferior position
of Māori. This is quite
wrong.
Doubtless it was because of considerations such as the above
that judges have used words like “analogous” and “akin”
to fiduciary duties. But the question nevertheless remains: can a better vehicle
be found for the largely inchoate duty of good faith,
and would it be
appropriate to resort to it? ...
- [333] Hammond J
went on to observe that “[t]he most obvious candidate for doctrinal
development with respect to Crown-Māori
relations would be in the area of
relational duties of good faith, at least in particular transactional
contexts” (emphasis added).181 In this context, he
stated:182
The creation of such a duty of good faith
would not rest solely on the Treaty, amounting to a (presently impermissible)
direct enforcement
of it. The Treaty would form simply one element of a
well-established – and publicly accepted
– obligation on the part of the Crown to act reasonably and with good
faith in respect to Māori. An obligation of good
faith of this kind, which
permits both parties to have regard to their own interests whilst at the same
time having proper and due
regard to the interests of the others, would simply
reflect in this subject area what is done elsewhere in the law. ...
- [334] He went on
to observe:183
The much more difficult issue which would have to be confronted
is whether the development of a relational duty of good faith is the
wise
course in the contemporary circumstances of New Zealand. Since the Lands
case almost a quarter of a century ago, significant public sector
developments have taken place in this country. The Waitangi Tribunal
has
continued its work and a number of settlements have been effected. Parliament
has itself made reference to the principles of
the Treaty of Waitangi in
numerous pieces of legislation (approximately 30 statutes) and Treaty clauses
have been included in many
public sector contracts (for example, contracts
relating to the provision of health services). The inclusion of Treaty clauses
in
legislation
179 At [102].
180 At [103]–[104].
181 At [106].
182 At [108].
183 At [112].
and contracts indicates formal acceptance by both Parliament and the
Executive of the good faith concept underpinning the Treaty,
and is a
recognition that the concept can and should be given functional form.
(emphasis in original)
- [335] The
appellants were granted leave to appeal to the Supreme Court. In the event,
given the manner in which the claim was pursued,
the Supreme Court was not
required to make findings on the question of fiduciary duty, dismissing the
appeal on other grounds. But
Elias CJ and McGrath and William Young JJ all
expressed (obiter) views on the suggested fiduciary duty.
- [336] Elias CJ
recorded that she had “considerable reservations” about the approach
taken in the High Court and Court
of Appeal.184 Reflecting the
concerns expressed in the Court of Appeal about the characteristic of loyalty
inherent in a fiduciary relationship
(and how that would apply to the Crown),
she stated:185
Although a usual characteristic of a fiduciary is loyalty, a
fiduciary duty in the sense in which it has been recognised in respect
of
indigenous people in New Zealand and in Canada does not seem to depend on a
relationship characterised by loyalty. It follows
that, without further
development in a case in which the point arises, it remains an open question
whether the principles of equity
relied on by the appellants are “a
function of the duty of loyalty owed by fiduciaries” which cannot apply to
the relationship
between the Crown and the Pouakani vendors.
- [337] Elias CJ
went on to refer to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples,186 stating that “[q]uite apart from the general
obligations that may be owed by the Crown in its dealings with Māori, a
duty
may arise in the particular context”.187 That context was
said to include matters such as the Treaty’s recognition of Māori
property according to their own custom;
that at the time, the Crown had a
monopsony on purchases of land from the vendors; and that the transactions in
question were early
transactions put through the Native Land Court “in
circumstances of some controversy and dispute”.188 Elias CJ
could not exclude the possibility of a fiduciary duty arising in such
circumstances.189 She also doubted that the ability
to
184 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC
118, [2015] 1 NZLR 67 at [146].
185 At [155].
186 (20 April 2010) 662 NZPD 10229–10240.
187 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118, [2015]
1 NZLR 67 at [159].
188 At [160].
189 At [162].
bring claims before the Waitangi Tribunal weighed against the finding of a
fiduciary duty, given “claims of legal right in
respect of property are
properly brought to the courts”.190
- [338] Given the
basis upon which the appeal had been dismissed, McGrath J preferred not to
express a view of the question of fiduciary
duties or relational duty of good
faith. But he did identify a number of “considerations” which
“should inform
the courts’ approach if and when the issue falls to
be decided”.191
- [339] First, the
characterisation in the Lands case of the nature of the relationship
arising from the Treaty as giving rise to a relationship in the nature of a
fiduciary relationship.192 McGrath J noted, however, that the Court
of Appeal in that case was not concerned with the enforceability of the Treaty,
nor with
the obligation of good faith identified, other than through application
of the statutory provisions then before the Court. For this
reason, McGrath J
said:193
This context is relevant in considering the
significance of the [Lands] case and its references to fiduciary duties
to the broader question of whether the Crown has enforceable fiduciary
obligations to
Māori.
- [340] Second,
the unique nature of the relationship between the Crown and Māori may mean
it is appropriate to recognise the existence
of a sui generis fiduciary duty,
even though the application of general equitable principles developed in
relation to private commercial
transactions or relationships may not give rise
to such a duty.194 McGrath J noted support for this approach from the
(obiter) observations of Cooke P in cases following the Lands case and
referred to at [319] above.195 In this context, McGrath J note that
regard would no doubt be had to recognition in Canada of the existence of
specific and enforceable
fiduciary duties owed by the Crown to indigenous
peoples.196
190 At [165].
191 At [182].
192 At [183].
193 At [185].
194 At [186].
195 At [186].
196 At [188], citing Guerin v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR 335,
particularly at 383–388; Blueberry River Indian Band v R [1995] 4
SCR 344; and Wewaykum Indian Band v Canada 2002 SCC 79, [2002] 4 SCR 245
at [73]–[74].
- [341] Third, the
limit on the constitutional capacity of courts to develop the common law in
fields that have been addressed by the
legislature.197 McGrath J
stated:
- [191] It follows
that the courts should not develop the common law in a manner inconsistent with
legislation. Furthermore, where Parliament
has legislated in a certain area, the
courts must consider whether development of the law may be more appropriately
left to Parliament.
- [192] When, in
the future, a case that involves circumstances giving rise to an arguable case
of fiduciary duty comes before the New
Zealand courts, one issue that the courts
will have to address is whether the development of New Zealand’s common
law to recognise
a directly enforceable duty of good faith in the context of the
relationship of the Crown and Māori would cut across the statutory
scheme
established in the Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 for recognising and providing
remedies for breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi.
- [342] McGrath J
noted that the statutory scheme for redress for historical breaches of the
Treaty of Waitangi:198
...overcomes limitation problems and evidential difficulties
inherent in historic claims and apparent in the present appeal. The Tribunal
is
better placed than the courts to overcome these difficulties and to fashion
appropriate remedies for the modern age.
- [343] William
Young J’s examination of the issue focused on the concept of
“retrospective justification”, discussed
earlier in this judgment
(at [182] above). His Honour noted that the requirement of retrospective
justification in this context is
a function of the obligation of the fiduciary
to act with loyalty.199
- [344] Turning to
the concept of a fiduciary duty owed by the Crown to indigenous peoples, and
with reference to the Canadian jurisprudence
as being of the most significance
in New Zealand, he stated:200
Some of the Canadian cases
were decided in the context of a statutory scheme relating to Indian land under
which the Crown was to act on behalf of the owners and was interposed
between them and prospective purchasers or lessees to avoid exploitation. In
both Guerin v R and Blueberry River Indian Band v Canada, the
Supreme Court of Canada held that the Crown owed fiduciary duties to Indian
bands who had surrendered land under this regime.
Although there may be scope
for debate about the metes and bounds of these duties, the categorisation of the
underlying relationship
as fiduciary is very
197 At [189].
198 At [193].
199 At [270].
200 At [273].
orthodox given its trust-like characteristics. (footnotes omitted, emphasis
added)
- [345] Having
then surveyed the New Zealand Court of Appeal’s (obiter) statements on a
fiduciary duty, ranging from Cooke P’s
observations referred to at [319]
above, to the “somewhat different tone” taken by the Court of Appeal
in the Te Arawa decision,201 William Young J said the
following:
[281] The principles of equity which result in strict
scrutiny of fiduciary/beneficiary transactions and, in particular, the
requirement
of retrospective justification, are a function of the duty of
loyalty owed by fiduciaries. This duty may be the corollary of a relationship
in
which one party has power to act for another and thus may without undue
awkwardness be seen as applicable to the situation which
obtained when the Crown
gained sovereignty over New Zealand and its radical title was burdened by
customary ownership interests.
Viewed in this light, the comments made by Cooke
P in Te Ika Whenua are easily explicable. But by the time the Crown came to
purchase
the Pouakani blocks, customary title had been extinguished pursuant to
statutory processes which the courts cannot ignore. In acquiring
the Pouakani
blocks, the Crown agents were not acting on behalf of the vendors. Nor were they
dealing with assets which the Crown
held on the vendors’ behalf. In
finalising the acquisitions, those agents had duties to the taxpayer (as we
would now say).
The vendors must have been acutely aware that the Crown agents
were not their agents. All in all, it is entirely unrealistic to see
the Crown
as owing to those vendors a duty of loyalty of the kind which generates the
requirement of retrospective justification.
(footnotes omitted)
- [346] I read his
Honour’s comment that a relationship where one has “power to act for
another” being applied without
“undue awkwardness” to the
Crown’s radical title being burdened by customary title as a reference the
power to
sell land encumbered by such pre-existing interests, rather than to the
power to negotiate and purchase land from Māori proprietors.202
That the former power was the focus of William Young J’s comments
is supported by his observation that Toohey J’s
approach in
Mabo v Queensland (No 2) “was expressly premised on this
basis”.203 Toohey J (the only member of the Australian High
Court in Mabo to find the Crown owed fiduciary duties to the Meriam
people in Queensland) had said that:204
- At
[277], referring to New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
[2001] NZCA 269, [2008] 1 NZLR 318 at [84].
202 Which
would itself extinguish customary title.
203 At [281], fn 457.
204 Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1 at 203.
...if the Crown in right of Queensland has the power to alienate land the
subject of the Meriam people’s traditional rights
and interests and the
result of that alienation is the loss of traditional title, and if the Meriam
people’s power to deal
with their title is restricted in so far as it is
inalienable, except to the Crown, then this power and corresponding
vulnerability give rise to a fiduciary obligation on the part of the Crown.
(emphasis added)
- [347] Having
concluded that the factual circumstances of the sale in Paki (No 2) did
not mean there was “necessarily” an informational imbalance or an
absence of choice,205 William Young J concluded that existing legal
principles did not support the appellants’ claim. He also considered it
inappropriate
to extend the applicable legal principles to accommodate the
fiduciary duty advanced by the appellant. This was primarily because
of the
difficulties inherent in a requirement of “retrospective
justification” of late 1800s land transactions (discussed
at [182] above),
and the remedies provided for under the Treaty of Waitangi 1975 which
“provide a more flexible mechanism for
addressing the underlying grievance
than the rules of equity invoked by the
appellants.”206
- [348] The final
member of the Court, Glazebrook J, did not express a view on the fiduciary duty
issue which, given the result on the
appeal, was moot.
- [349] This
lengthy discussion leads to the Supreme Court’s decision in
Wakatū.
- [350] By way of
brief summary of the factual background to the claim, in 1839, the New Zealand
Company (the Company) purchased significant
tracts of land from Māori in
the northern South Island. That purchase was expressed to exclude the
vendors’ pā, urupā
and areas of actual cultivation (referred to
as the “Occupation Lands”) and the Company also undertook to hold
one-tenth
of the area sold to it for the benefit of the vendors (referred to as
the “Tenths reserves”). There was no doubt the
obligations
concerning the Tenths reserves were an important part of the overall transaction
and consideration.
205 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC
118, [2015] 1 NZLR 67 at [282].
206 At [284] – [288].
- [351] After the
Crown assumed sovereignty in New Zealand in early 1840, and reflecting concern
at the basis upon which large areas
of land had earlier been purchased from
Māori, the Land Claims Ordinance 1841 declared all previous purchases of
land null and
void unless confirmed by the Crown. A Commission (headed by
Commissioner Spain) was appointed to investigate the Company’s
purchases.
In an award of 1845, Commissioner Spain found that on the basis of the exclusion
of the Occupation Lands and the reservation
of the Tenths reserves, the
purchases had been fair and equitable. Commissioner Spain accordingly
recommended that a grant of land
be made to the Company by the Crown reflecting
the area of land purchased, and the Company was to set aside 15,100 acres of
Tenths
reserves from the 151,000 acres subject to the
grant.
- [352] An initial
grant to the Company on this basis was offered in 1845 but refused. A further
grant was offered in 1848, which the
Company accepted. In the interim, the
Company’s settlement plans for the purchased land had already proceeded.
But by 1850,
the Company had fallen into difficulties and eventually surrendered
all its assets to the Crown.
- [353] Through a
series of subsequent statutes, all reserved land was vested in the Public
Trustee who was to hold it for the benefit
of entitled Māori. The Public
Trustee applied to the Native Land Court to ascertain who had beneficial
interests in the Tenths
reserves in and around Nelson, and the Court made an
award identifying 253 such beneficiaries. By 1882, however, the beneficiaries
had, through exchanges and other processes, lost 47 of the 100 town sections
reserved, as well as a significant number of suburban
sections. Rural sections
had never been allocated. By 1977, when the first appellant (Proprietors of
Wakatū) was formed to represent
the descendants of the beneficiaries, the
residue of the Tenths reserves comprised only 1,626 acres (compared to the
expected 15,100
acres).
- [354] Ultimately,
the Proprietors of Wakatū, Mr Stafford and a trust established by him filed
proceedings in the High Court in
relation to the unallocated and lost Tenths
reserves. Their claim was advanced, in part, on the basis the Crown had in its
dealings
with the Tenths reserves breached a fiduciary duty it owed to the
plaintiffs’ predecessors.
- [355] The High
Court (Clifford J) found against the plaintiffs.207 Relevantly for
present purposes, the plaintiffs had pointed to the exercise of the right of
pre-emption “as being an important
indicator that the Crown acting thus
owed Māori fiduciary duties”.208 Clifford J rejected that
argument. He accepted that part of the Crown’s role pursuant to its right
of pre-emption was as government
to protect the interests of Māori.209
But he found that through the processes provided by the Lands Claims
Ordinance 1841, “the Crown was required to balance the
interests of
Māori against the interests of those who argued that they had
‘equitably’ acquired from Māori”.210 He went
on to state:211
More broadly, it also seems to me that when the Crown was
exercising the right of pre-emption “for itself”, as it were,
and
not in response to a pre 1840 land claim, the Crown again had to necessarily
balance the interests of Māori from whom the
land was to be acquired and of
the population more generally, in whose interests the Crown was also acting when
it acquired that
land.
- [356] In the
Court of Appeal, the appellants’ argument refocused on an alleged
fiduciary duty arising from the (narrower) circumstances
of the 1845 Crown grant
and the process leading to it.212 It was argued that in the specific
context culminating in the 1845 grant, the Crown took on a specific obligation
to deal with the
property (and specifically the Tenths reserves) in a way that
protected Māori interests. On that approach, the appellants argued
“the Crown was not just balancing Māori interests as against a range
of other interests”.213
- [357] Ellen
France J did not rule out that the Crown could be subject to fiduciary
obligations in the factual circumstances before
the Court. But she agreed with
Clifford J that even in the context of the Land Claims Ordinance process and the
1845 grant, “the
Crown was involved in a balancing of
interests”.214 Harrison and French JJ expressed similar views
and considered it would be rare when the Crown would owe a duty of loyalty to
one group
alone.215 All members of the Court saw the
existence
207 Proprietors of Wakatū Inc v
Attorney-General [2012] NZHC 1461.
208 At [301].
209 At [301].
210 At [301].
211 At [301].
- Proprietors
of Wakatu v Attorney-General [2014] NZCA 628, [2015] 2 NZLR 298 at [8], [93]
and [203]–[204].
213 At [122].
214 At [128].
215 See [209].
of alternative remedies available through the Waitangi Tribunal and subsequent
settlement process as weighing against a fiduciary
duty.216
- [358] The
appellants appealed. As noted, the majority (William Young J dissenting) found a
fiduciary duty was owed by the Crown to
the Māori proprietors in the
circumstances of that case. Mr Kahukiwa relies primarily on the judgment of
Elias CJ.
- [359] Her Honour
first surveyed the approach in various jurisdictions to fiduciary duties in
Crown dealings with indigenous people.
She noted that while there are
differences in the legal character of aboriginal rights to land in the United
Kingdom, Canada, Australia
and New Zealand (which require some care when
considering the case law):217
... the reasoning adopted
in Canada and in Australia applies a fortiori to Māori interests in land.
From the start, they were
treated as pre-existing rights of property which were
exclusive and inalienable and able to descend according to Māori custom.
Most importantly, in New Zealand the Crown disclaimed any title to land not
cleared of Māori customary title either by sale
to it or by approval of
pre-1840 sales by an award under the provisions of the Land Claims
Ordinance.
- [360] She went
on to state:218
As explained below, I consider the Guerin approach and
that indicated by Brennan CJ in Wik219 is sufficient in the
circumstances of the present case to constitute the Crown a fiduciary in the
dealings with the tenths reserves
and occupied lands. The alienation to the
Crown of existing Māori property through the Land Claims Ordinance process
was on
terms which could only be fulfilled by the Crown. The Crown’s
acceptance of the alienation to it on the terms of the award entailed assumption
of responsibility to act in the
interests of Māori whose interests were
surrendered. The Crown’s assumption of responsibility in respect of
the tenths reserves also constituted it a fiduciary of those whose property
interests were surrendered and opened the way to recognition of constructive
trust on established equitable principles and by analogy
with them.
(emphasis added, footnotes omitted)
- [361] In
relation to the Crown’s “assumption of responsibility”, Elias
CJ said:220
216 At [103] and [115] per Ellen France J; and at
[216] per Harrison and French JJ.
217 Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General [2017]
NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [340].
218 At [366].
219 Wik Peoples v Queensland (1996) 187 CLR 1, in which
Brennan CJ observed (at 96) that where a discretionary power, statutory or
otherwise, is conferred “for
exercise on behalf of, or for the benefit of,
another or others” a fiduciary duty may arise.
220 Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General [2017]
NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [380].
Such assumption of responsibility towards Māori in New Zealand began
with the Treaty of Waitangi (a covenant which guaranteed to Māori the
“full, exclusive, and undisturbed possession”
of their lands and
which set up the Crown’s right of pre-emption) and the Charter of 1840
(which made it clear that the Māori
interest in land was inalienable and
that the interests passed to the descendants of the occupiers). These
commitments were repeated
in the Royal Instructions and official correspondence.
They were behind the terms of the Land Claims Ordinance, which provided the
process for checking that pre-Treaty purchases were “on equitable
terms”.
(emphasis added)
- [362] Having
referred to the various obiter statements of Cooke P for the Court of Appeal and
referred to at [319] above, McGrath
J’s second consideration referred to
at [340] above and William Young J’s observations summarised above, the
Chief Justice
noted that there were “close parallels between the Land
Claims process and surrender under s 18(1) of the Indian Act in issue
in
Guerin”.221 Like in Guerin, under the Land
Claims process, the Crown “undertook control of the surrender of existing
interests of property it had undertaken
to protect and in which it was of
necessity acting on behalf of native owners”.222 Elias CJ
therefore did not agree with French and Harrison JJ in the Court of Appeal who
had considered Guerin to be distinguishable. She
stated:223
The obligation to act in the interests of the
Indian band in Guerin is entirely comparable with the obligation which
arose through alienation under the Land Claims Ordinance through the terms
approved
in Spain’s award. As in Guerin, fiduciary obligations
arose because the Crown acted in relation to “independent legal
interests” (in Guerin, as in the present case, existing property
interests) and on behalf of Māori. The Crown’s obligations in
the present case are, if anything, amplified by the nature and extent of
Māori property and
its recognition in New Zealand from the first
engagements of the Crown in the Treaty of Waitangi.
(emphasis added)
[391] None of this is to suggest that there is a general
fiduciary duty at large owed by the Crown to Māori. It is to say that
where
there are pre-existing and independent property interests of Māori which
can be surrendered only to the Crown (as under the right of pre-emption)
a
relationship of power and dependency may exist in which fiduciary obligations
properly arise.
(emphasis added)
221 At [384].
222 At [384].
223 At [385].
- [364] Elias CJ
also disagreed that the possibility of political redress through the Treaty of
Waitangi Act 1975 was relevant to determining
whether the relationship between
the Crown and the Māori owners is properly treated in equity as
fiduciary.224 Her Honour summarised the position as
follows:225
The Crown’s general engagements to Māori in relation
to pre-existing property interests (inalienable except through the
Crown) and
its assumption of responsibility to act on behalf of the native proprietors
(both under the Land Claims Ordinance procedure and in
management of the
reserves) constituted the Crown a fiduciary on the approach taken in
Guerin.
(emphasis added)
- [365] Glazebrook
J’s primary finding was that the arrangements flowing from the Spain award
led to the creation of an express
trust. In doing so, she rejected the
Crown’s position that it was not possible for the Crown to assume the
duties of trustee
in such circumstances because it was unable to give its
undivided loyalty to the customary owners because of its general governmental
obligations, including to the settlers. Her Honour
stated:226
The Tenths reserves were to be held for the
benefit of the customary owners and the settlers had no claim on those reserves.
They
were to be administered for the benefit of the customary owners and were
thus not available for any general governmental purposes.
The only possible
conflict of interest that could have arisen was in the selection of the reserves
but this took place in terms of
the agreed ballot process.
- [366] Turning to
the suggested fiduciary obligation, Glazebrook J concluded that a fiduciary duty
arose as a result of the application
of orthodox fiduciary principles, stating
she did not apply a “Guerin analysis”.227 She
stated:
[589] In this case, the Company’s promise to hold the
Tenths reserves on trust for the customary owners must be seen as an important
reason the purchase was held to be just and equitable and thus an important
reason the land in question became demesne lands of the
Crown. The Crown had
agreed to take on that trust obligation through the 1840 agreement with the
Company, which is why the Tenths
lands were excluded from Commissioner
Spain’s recommended grant to the Company. Against that background, the
Crown could not
purport to take those lands free from the obligation to hold
them for the benefit of the customary owners. It took the land subject
to an
obligation to continue to hold the identified Tenths town and suburban reserves
on trust
224 At [386].
225 At [392].
226 At [582].
227 At [718], fn 957.
and to identify and hold on trust the rural Tenths reserves. As to any
Occupation lands appropriated by the Crown, the obligation
was to return title
and possession to the customary owners.
[590] The above analysis does not depend on any special
fiduciary duty of the Crown in its dealings with the property of indigenous
people. If it were necessary to rely on such special duties, I consider the
analysis of the Chief Justice on this point has much to recommend
it, at
least in the circumstances of this case. It is not, however, necessary for
the purposes of this judgment to come to a definitive view on that wider
analysis.
(footnotes omitted, emphasis added)
- [367] Arnold and
O’Regan JJ delivered a joint judgment, drawing heavily on the approach
adopted in Guerin. Applying that approach to the facts in issue, their
Honours concluded that the Crown did owe fiduciary duties to Māori who
had
customary rights to the land purchased by the Company in the Nelson area. This
was because:228
The Crown... assumed the Company’s
obligation to allocate the Tenths reserves and to manage them in the best
interests of the
original customary owners. This was in addition to its own
governmental responsibilities towards Māori.
- [368] Arnold and
O’Regan JJ accordingly did not see the Crown’s conduct in relation
to the Tenths reserves as properly
explained on the basis it was simply
performing a broad governmental or political
function.229
- [369] For
completeness, I note that in a footnote to this section of their joint judgment,
their Honours stated:230
We acknowledge that, on the basis of Guerin, it can be
argued that the Crown has fiduciary duties to Māori arising from the Treaty
of Waitangi and/or from the Crown’s
right of pre-emption. We base the duty
in this case on the particular dealings between the Company and Māori and
the Crown and
the Company and to express no view about a broader basis for such
a duty.
- [370] As noted,
William Young J dissented on the question of fiduciary duty. He concluded that
once the 1845 grant had been rejected
by the Company, the critical actions then
taken by Governor Grey (and in particular, the 1848 grant) were of
a
228 At [779] (footnote omitted).
229 At [785].
230 At [784], fn 1012.
public law character and the Governor “was, in particular, required to
balance the interests of the New Zealand Company with
those of
Māori”.231 A fiduciary duty, bearing the hallmark of
loyalty to one party or group, could not therefore arise.
Discussion – does a fiduciary
duty arise in this case?
- [371] This
brings me to a (shorter) discussion of whether a fiduciary duty arises in this
case.
- [372] To recap:
the plaintiffs allege a fiduciary duty arose from those matters set out at [44]
above, but with a particular focus
on the Treaty and the Crown’s right of
pre- emption. As also noted, Mr Kahukiwa does not suggest the fiduciary duty
alleged
in this case falls within established legal principles, at least in this
jurisdiction. For the following reasons, I have concluded
it is inappropriate to
extend existing legal principles to accommodate the suggested fiduciary duty in
this case.
- [373] First, is
plain the Treaty gave rise to a relationship of partnership and trust between
the Treaty partners. Successive Court
of Appeal decisions have made that clear.
But it is equally clear that the terms and principles of the Treaty are not,
directly at
least, enforceable in the New Zealand courts.
- [374] There are
also a number of (obiter) statements in the authorities discussed above to the
effect that a fiduciary duty might arise from the matters relied on by
the plaintiffs in this case. But to date, no New Zealand court has found an
enforceable fiduciary
duty arising solely from the Treaty relationship, the
nature of Māori customary interests and/or the Crown’s right of
pre-emption.
- [375] The
fiduciary duty accepted by the majority of the Supreme Court in Wakatū
arose from the particular circumstances and relationship existing in that
case, namely, the Crown’s specific assumption of responsibility
in
relation to land to be held by it and used for the benefit of the original
Māori proprietors. And while Elias CJ said the
Crown’s obligations
arising from those circumstances were “amplified” by the nature and
extent of Māori property
and its recognition in New Zealand from the
first
231 At [920].
engagements of the Crown,232 she did not go so far as saying the
obligations in that case arose from such matters.
- [376] I
acknowledge that Elias CJ suggested there may be a broader foundation for a
fiduciary relationship (“where there are
pre-existing and independent
property interests of Māori which can be surrendered only to the Crown (as
under the right of pre-emption)”).233 Arnold and O’Regan
JJ also observed that, at least on the basis of Guerin, it could be
argued that the Crown has fiduciary duties to Māori arising from the Treaty
of Waitangi and/or from the Crown’s
right of pre-emption.234
But, notably, none of the majority in Wakatū found this to be
the basis for the fiduciary duty in that case. And the only court which directly
considered that argument (Clifford
J in the High Court in Wakatū)
rejected it.235
- [377] I agree
with Clifford J that a part, and no doubt an important part, of the right of
pre-emption was a protective mechanism
in relation to Māori and their
lands. But despite this, and at least in the exercise of the right of
pre-emption “for
itself” (that is, rather than through a
determination by a Commissioner under the Land Claims Ordinance), I also agree
with
Clifford J that the Crown could not be said to be acting solely on behalf
of or for the benefit of the Māori proprietors, absent
any competing
interests (for example, its own interests, such as controlling and promoting
colonisation).236 In other words, in exercising the right of
pre-emption “for itself” and negotiating land purchases from
Māori proprietors,
I do not consider the Crown was obliged to put aside its
own (or other competing) interests and act solely on behalf of the benefit
of
the vendors. The position is accordingly different to that existing in
Wakatū.
- [378] No
particular assumption of responsibility, other than that said to arise from
those matters pleaded and set out at [44] above,
was advanced by the plaintiffs
in this
232 See [362] above.
233 Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General [2017]
NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [391].
234 See [363] above.
235 See [369] above.
236 In New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
[1987] 1 NZLR 641 (CA), Richardson J observed that “the compact
between the Crown and Māori through which the peaceful
settlement of New
Zealand was contemplated called for the protection by the Crown of both
Māori interests and British interests...”
(at 680) and “...the
Treaty was presented and accepted as providing a path for the orderly
colonisation of New Zealand under
British Government protection for Māori
and British interests alike” (at 681).
case. Mr Kahukiwa accepts there was something “more” in
Wakatū. He points to the circumstances existing in 1863 and 1864
resulting in Ngāti Te Ata being in an especially vulnerable position.
But
particular vulnerability in a war-time setting does not, in my view, provide a
proper foundation for or support the finding of
a fiduciary duty. First,
vulnerability alone is insufficient to support a fiduciary claim.237
Second, such war-time circumstances are perhaps the antithesis of those
which might give rise to a fiduciary duty; the Crown is necessarily
exercising a
range of different political and social functions, and thus balancing a wide
range of competing interests.238
- [379] Further, I
accept the Crown’s submission that care must be taken before directly
transplanting the approach taken in Guerin (and cases that follow it) to
this jurisdiction – at least to support the broad-based fiduciary duty for
which the plaintiffs
advocate in this case. As seen in the discussion of
Guerin (and Wewaykum above), the primary context in which the
Canadian courts have found the Crown owed a fiduciary duty to an Indian band is
where the
Crown has assumed a responsibility to a specific band to administer
customary property on behalf of or for the benefit of that band,
or to act as an
intermediary or agent on behalf of the band in relation to dealings with third
parties affecting such property. And
that has been in the context of the
particular statutory framework existing in Canada as reflected in the Indian Act
1952 (and its
predecessors and successors). To repeat what Dickson J stated in
Guerin:239
Through the confirmation in the Indian Act of the historic
responsibility which the Crown has undertaken, to act on behalf of the
Indians so as to protect their interests in transactions with third parties,
Parliament has conferred on the Crown a discretion to decide for itself where
the Indians’ best interests really lie. This is the effect of s
18(1) of the Act.
This discretion on the part of the Crown ... has the effect of
transforming the Crown’s obligation into a fiduciary one.
(emphasis added)
- [380] That
source of fiduciary duty accordingly has a distinct Canadian
context.
- [381] I do not
consider that, without more, the right of pre-emption in this jurisdiction was
to a similar effect. The right of pre-emption
was provided for in the Treaty
and
237 Alberta v Elder Advocates of Alberta Society
2011 SCC 24, [2011] 2 SCR 261 at [28].
- See
Binnie J in Wewaykum Indian Band v Canada 2002 SCC 79, [2002] 4 SCR 245
at [96]; and McLachlan CJ in Alberta v Elder Advocates of Alberta Society
at [37].
239 Guerin v The Queen [1984] 2 SCR
335 at 383–384.
confirmed in the Land Claims Ordinance of 1841. By 1852, it was reflected in s
73 of the Constitution Act. From 1862, the Governor
was permitted to waive
pre-emption in a district by proclamation,240 and by 1873, it had
been repealed.241 As Mr Kinsler submits, the scheme did not require
the Crown to hold or sell land on behalf of the members of the iwi that sold it
to the Crown, or to otherwise deal with or dispose of the land in the best
interests of the selling parties. And the discretion afforded
to the Crown and
its delegates under s 73 was as to the terms on which land would be purchased;
it was not shaped by obligations
such as those in s 18(1) of the Indian Act.
- [382] I
therefore do not accept Mr Kahukiwa’s submission that s 73
“necessarily” gives rise to a fiduciary duty.
- [383] This is
not to say that the Crown was not subject to any enforceable legal
obligations in its dealings with the Maioro land in 1864. There was no
suggestion by the Crown that when purchasing
land from Ngāti Te Ata, it was
not subject to existing common law and equitable doctrines such as those
addressed earlier in
this judgment. As Elias CJ noted in Paki (No 2),
“[t]he principles on which courts intervene in cases of undue influence,
unconscionability, and breach of fiduciary duty overlap”.242
While it is accepted that in a number of cases such claims may, given the
very significant effluxion of time, be difficult to make
out, the existence of
other doctrines which respond to the mischief complained of, or perhaps other
more suitable areas for development,
militates against the expansion and
application of the law in relation to fiduciary duties to Crown/Māori
relations in the 19th
century.243
- Native
Lands Act 1862, preamble and s 36. There is no suggestion there had been such a
waiver in the area of the land in question
in this
case.
241 Native Land Act 1873.
242 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118, [2015]
1 NZLR 67 at [151].
243 In this context, I note the views of those contributors to the
special edition of the New Zealand Law Review on the Wakatū
decision ([2019] NZ L Rev 1), a number of whom caution against further
development of the law of fiduciary duties in the field of
Crown/Māori
relations. Nicola Roughan (Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of
Auckland) in Public/Private Distortions and State–Indigenous Fiduciary
Relationships, doubts the utility and desirability of fiduciary modelling of
state–Indigenous relations. She sees development of the concept
of an
express trust in this area as a more appropriate vehicle for upholding or
protecting the private rights available to Indigenous
claimants (at least in
circumstances similar to those in Wakatū). Professor David Williams
(Professor Emeritus and Research Fellow, Faculty of Law, University of Auckland)
in Fiduciary Duty Remedies Stripped of Historical Encumbrances states (at
53) “...in my view, it would be preferable to draw upon sources of law
that are less tainted with historical baggage
than that which attaches to the
Crown/Indigenous fiduciary duty jurisprudence”. Professor Williams favours
development of the
doctrine flagged by the Court of Appeal in Paki (No.
2), namely a relational duty of good faith (at 59). And as noted earlier,
Professor Dwight Newman QC (Professor of Law and Canada Research
Chair in
Indigenous
- [384] This leads
to a final point, namely the statutory scheme established by the Treaty of
Waitangi Act 1975 and the establishment
of the Waitangi Tribunal to hear and
address grievances of the type raised in this case.
- [385] This
statutory framework was one of the considerations McGrath J in Paki
(No.
- said
would need to be taken into account when considering whether, and if so in what
circumstances, a fiduciary duty might be owed
by the Crown to Māori.
Clearly the majority in Wakatū did not consider the statutory scheme
a barrier to or inconsistent with finding a fiduciary duty in the circumstances
of that case.
The statutory scheme cannot prevent the pursuit of private law
rights. But as McGrath J noted in Paki (No. 2), and Ellen France J in
Wakatū,244 it may be relevant to the circumstances
in which it will be appropriate to develop the common law (such as the
circumstances in which a fiduciary
duty is found to be owed by the Crown to
Māori) and/or the scope of any such fiduciary duty. That is arguably more
so when the
alleged duty stems directly from the Treaty itself and/or the right
of pre-emption recognised by it (rather than a specific relationship
arising out
of particular circumstances, as in Wakatū).
- [386] The
existence of the statutory regime, coupled with a recognised fiduciary duty in
cases of a particular assumption of responsibility
(as in Wakatū) is
arguably no less effective or appropriate than the Canadian framework. Indeed,
the Tribunal process will in many cases be more
effective and flexible,
particularly when claims involve fact-intensive historical grievances which are
not susceptible to proof
in the ordinary way. As Binnie J noted in
Wewaykum, an assessment of the Crown’s discharge of its fiduciary
duties “must have regard to the context of the times”.245
While such assessments may be possible in some cases,246
fine-grained analysis in formal court proceedings of historical events
will be very difficult in others. As McGrath J noted
Rights in Constitutional Law and International Law, University
of Saskatchewan) in Wakatū and Transnational Dimensions of Indigenous
Rights Discourse describes (at 65, and detailed in Part III of his article)
a “long path of Canadian shifts away from Guerin, or at least
attempts to confine it to very limited contexts while preferring a focus on
public law doctrines like the honour of
the Crown.” He states that
challenges arising from the approach taken in Guerin “call for
careful analysis and perhaps caution” (at 75).
244 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC 118,
[2015] 1 NZLR 67 at [192]; and Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General
[2014] NZCA 628, [2015] 2 NZLR 298 at [115] per Ellen France J. See similar
observations of Harrison and French JJ in Wakatū, at
[216]–[217].
245 Wewaykum Indian Band v Canada 2002 SCC 79, [2002] 4
SCR 245 at [97]. See also Proprietors of Wakatū v Attorney-General
[2017] NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [947]–[949] per William Young
J.
246 Reliant on a relatively clear documentary record, such as in
Wakatū.
in Paki (No 2), the Tribunal will often be better placed to overcome such
evidential difficulties and to fashion appropriate remedies for the modern
age.247
- [387] The
Tribunal process is also unencumbered by limitation related problems. These can
have very real consequences for claims such
as those advanced in this case. For
example, in Chippewas of Sarnia Band v Canada (Attorney-General),248
despite the Court finding a fiduciary duty and a breach of that duty, the
Indian bands’ claims were nevertheless dismissed on
the grounds of delay.
The claimants were therefore left without a remedy for a very real
grievance.
- [388] For all
these reasons, therefore, I am unpersuaded that the principles of fiduciary duty
should be expanded to accommodate the
novel claim in this
case.
Relational duty of good
faith
- [389] Finally,
and for completeness, in addition to the alleged fiduciary duty, the plaintiffs
pleaded a relational duty of good faith,
drawing on the Court of Appeal’s
observations in Paki (No 2).
- [390] Despite
this, however, the point was not taken up in any substantive way in the
plaintiffs’ closing submissions, which
focused (almost entirely) on the
alleged fiduciary duty arising from the right of pre-emption. Whether the
concept of a private law
relational duty of good faith should be developed in
this jurisdiction, in parallel to or instead of a fiduciary duty, deserves
careful
and detailed analysis and argument, none of which was present on this
aspect of the plaintiffs’ case. I simply note that, despite
the
observations of the Court of Appeal in Paki (No 2), none of the four
judgments in the Supreme Court in Paki (No 2) took up the concept, nor
did any of the judgments in Wakatū (despite a relational duty of
good faith also being pleaded in that case).
Conclusions on first, second and third causes of action
- [391] Given
my findings on the first, second and third causes of action, the Waiuku Deed
and/or the Confiscation had the effect of
extinguishing Ngāti Te
Ata’s customary
247 Paki v Attorney-General (No 2) [2014] NZSC
118, [2015] 1 NZLR 67 at [194].
248 Chippewas of Sarnia Band v Canada (Attorney-General)
(2000) 195 DLR (4th) 135 (ONCA).
title in Maioro (including in the case of the Confiscation, in the four
wāhi tapu areas). Nor did the Crown owe a private law
fiduciary or other
equitable duty to Ngāti Te Ata. No constructive trust over Maioro or the
wāhi tapu therefore arose.
Subject to complying with any relevant statutory
or other legal obligations, the Crown was accordingly free at law to deal with
Maioro.
That included granting the Licence to NZ Steel pursuant to the ISIA. For
the purposes of the third cause of action, I therefore decline
to make a
declaration that the Licence is invalid.
- [392] In light
of the above, it is not necessary for me to go on to discuss or determine
whether those later actions (or omissions)
by the Crown and summarised at [59]
above breached its equitable duties and/or role as trustee. It is relevant to
note, however,
that the legal implications of some of those actions (such as the
setting apart of Maioro for the purposes of the ISIA and the sale
of the
Crown’s shares in NZ Steel) are relevant to and therefore determined in
the context of other causes of action discussed
in the balance of this
judgment.
FOURTH AND FIFTH CAUSES OF ACTION – 1939 AND 1959 TAKINGS
OF THE WĀHI TAPU
Overview
of pleaded claims
- [393] The fourth
and fifth causes of action are limited to the four wāhi tapu. As a
preliminary point, Mr Kahukiwa confirmed
in his closing submissions that, save
for an alleged fiduciary duty rising from s 15 of the PWA 1928, the fourth cause
of action
is contingent on the claims in the first or second cause of action
succeeding, while the claims under the fifth cause of action are
“free-standing”.
- [394] Under the
fourth cause of action, the plaintiffs plead that the 1939 and 1959 takings
under the PWA 1928 “involved an
acquisition of Ngāti Te Ata’s
interests in the land whereupon the Crown became bound to deal with the land in
accordance
with the [PWA 1928]”. This is accepted by the Crown. It is also
not in dispute that s 19 of the PWA 1928 provided that minerals
situated in land
taken for public works were excluded from the taking. It is common ground that
the ironsands are “minerals”
for the purposes of s 19. As a result,
it is not in dispute that despite the takings, title to
the
ironsands in the wāhi tapu rested with the named individuals (or their
successors) in the 1878 Crown Grants.
- [395] The
plaintiffs go on to plead that the Crown breached its (pre-existing) fiduciary
duty and/or duty of good faith and/or fiduciary
duty arising from s 15 of the
PWA 1928 in a range of ways, key of which include:
(a) dealing with the land in a manner inconsistent with
Ngāti Te Ata’s customary title;
(b) in 1959, misrepresenting to Ngāti Te Ata the purpose of
the takings;
(c) failing to consult with Ngāti Te Ata as to the intended
use of the wāhi tapu for mining;
(d) failing to ensure Ngāti Te Ata’s customary
interests in the wāhi tapu would be protected;
(e) allowing mining activities to take place on the wāhi
tapu;
(f) failing to pay compensation or royalties to Ngāti Te
Ata;
(g) alienating the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel at a time
when it was known the wāhi tapu were subject to Treaty claims;
(h) failing to honour commitments, including in the MOU, to
remove the wāhi tapu from the Licence and re-vest them in Ngāti
Te
Ata;
(i) facilitating mining on the wāhi tapu; and
(j) profiting from its position as fiduciary.
- [396] As a
result of the alleged breaches, the plaintiffs say the Crown holds all profits
made in relation to the wāhi tapu as
constructive trustee for Ngāti Te
Ata.
- [397] Under the
fifth cause of action, the plaintiffs allege the 1939 and 1959 takings of the
wāhi tapu were unlawful because,
broadly, the land was taken for purposes
not permitted under the PWA 1928.
- [398] The
plaintiffs further say the Crown could not lawfully deal with the wāhi tapu
as if they were for State forest land for
the purposes of the Forests Act 1949
because:
(a) the takings under the PWA 1928 were void and the land was
accordingly held on constructive trust for Ngāti Te Ata;
(b) at the time of the takings, ironsands mining was not a
permitted use of State forest land; and
(c) the minerals in the wāhi tapu were owned by Ngāti
Te Ata.
- [399] The
plaintiffs say that as the takings were unlawful, the Crown holds the wāhi
tapu on constructive trust for Ngāti
Te Ata.
- [400] In the
alternative, the plaintiffs say that if the wāhi tapu were legitimately
taken for purposes under the PWA 1928, by
the time they were set apart for the
purposes of the ISIA in 1966, they were no longer required for the purposes for
which they had
been taken and ought to have been, but were not, offered back to
Ngāti Te Ata pursuant to s 35 of the PWA 1928. As result, and
to the extent
the wāhi tapu were not already held on constructive trust for Ngāti Te
Ata, constructive trusts over the
land arose at that
point.
- [401] The
plaintiffs go on to say that mining has in fact already occurred on one of the
wāhi tapu (namely Tangitanginga) meaning
that pursuant to s 9 of the ISIA,
royalties ought to have been paid to Ngāti Te Ata (but have not
been).
- [402] The
plaintiffs further allege under the fifth cause of action that the public works
takings were in bad faith, not being for
sand dune reclamation or State forests,
but in reality for mining, and thus being for the ulterior purpose of bringing
the wāhi
tapu within the purview of the ISIA without having to confront the
ownership interests of
Ngāti Te Ata. The plaintiffs say that the takings were accordingly unlawful
under the PWA 1928 and/or unconscionable.
- [403] In the
alternative, the plaintiffs say that even if the wāhi tapu were validly
taken under the PWA 1928, the setting apart
of them for the purposes of the ISIA
did not affect Ngāti Te Ata’s underlying ownership of the
minerals.
- [404] Also under
the fifth cause of action, the plaintiffs rely on the Crown’s stated
commitments in 1990 to re-vest the wāhi
tapu with Ngāti Te Ata and
remove them from the Licence area (referred to as the “1990
Commitments”). The plaintiffs
say that as a result of the 1990
Commitments:
(a) Ngāti Te Ata placed trust and confidence in the Crown;
and
(b) the Crown owed fiduciary duties to Ngāti Te Ata to act
in Ngāti Te Ata’s best interests, with absolute loyalty
and to
implement its commitment to return the wāhi tapu to Ngāti Te Ata.
- [405] The
plaintiffs say that by failing to return the wāhi tapu to Ngāti Te
Ata, the Crown has breached the 1990 Commitments
(including the MOU), its
fiduciary duty arising therefrom and/or “the common law duty of good
administration”. As a result,
the plaintiffs say the Crown holds the
wāhi tapu on constructive trust for Ngāti Te
Ata.
Key issues for determination
- [406] As
noted earlier, I have found it helpful to address the plaintiffs’ fifth
cause of action first, before turning to the
fourth cause of action.249
I have also found it helpful to consider the claims arising from these two
causes of action by reference to the following key issues:
249 This is because whether the 1939 and 1959
takings under the PWA 1928 were a lawful exercise of the relevant statutory
powers may
be relevant to whether the takings were a breach of any equitable
duties found to have been owed by the Crown to Ngāti Te Ata.
(a) Was any one or more of the 1939 and 1959 takings of the wāhi tapu
under the 1928 Act unlawful on the basis it was taken for
purposes not permitted
under that Act?
(b) In the alternative, were the takings in bad faith, being for
the ulterior purpose of bringing the wāhi tapu within the purview
of the
ISIA, and if so, were the takings unlawful and/or unconscionable as a
result?
(c) If the takings were lawful under the PWA 1928, did the Crown
wrongly fail to offer the wāhi tapu back to Ngāti Te Ata
pursuant to s
35 of the Act?
(d) Did the Crown fail to consult with Ngāti Te Ata about
the takings under the PWA 1928, or if it did consult, did it do so
in a
misleading way?
(e) Did s 15 of the PWA 1928 give rise to a fiduciary duty owed
by the Crown to Ngāti Te Ata?
(f) Has mining already occurred on Tangitanginga, such that
pursuant to s 9 of the ISIA, royalties ought to have been paid to Ngāti
Te
Ata?
(g) If the wāhi tapu were lawfully taken by the Crown under
the PWA 1928, what was the effect of setting them apart for the purposes
of the
ISIA?
(h) Did the Crown give a binding and enforceable commitment
(through the 1990 MOU) to remove the wāhi tapu from the Licence area?
(i) Did the Crown owe Ngāti Te Ata fiduciary duties as a
result of the 1990 Commitments?
(j) By not returning the wāhi tapu to Ngāti Te Ata,
did the Crown breach any equitable obligation flowing from s 15 of the
PWA 1928,
the 1990 Commitments and/or any duty of good administration?
Factual background to takings
Introduction
- [407] It is
necessary to address the factual background to the public works takings of the
wāhi tapu in some detail, given the
plaintiffs’ claim that the
takings for sand dune reclamation and then State forest purposes were, inter
alia, in bad faith,
and the “real” purpose was to enable the land to
become available for ironsands mining. That is a serious allegation
and is
firmly disputed by the Crown.
Lead up to 1939 taking
- [408] To recap:
each of the four wāhi tapu was confiscated pursuant to the December 1864
Confiscation and then the subject of
the 1878 Crown Grants to named members of
Ngāti Te Ata.
- [409] It appears
that for some time in the early 1900s, it had been apparent that the sand dunes
at Maioro were advancing onto adjacent
farm land. At that time, sand dune
reclamation efforts rested with the Department of Lands. A report to the Under-
Secretary for
Lands in 1913 addressed 4,225 acres affected by sand drift,
consisting of 3,505 acres of Crown land and 720 acres of “Native
land”. The Native land comprised the four wāhi tapu. The report
writer recommended planting marram grass along the shore
which the writer
believed would eventually enable afforestation to take
place.
- [410] In 1914,
the Crown began planting both lupin and marram grass in the Maioro area in an
effort to stabilise the sandhills. There
is no evidence this involved plantings
on the wāhi tapu at this time. The works were postponed in 1916 given
concerns at the
cost in the context of the financial constraints of the First
World War.
- [411] Nothing
substantive appears to have occurred until the early 1930s, by which time
responsibility for sand dune reclamation had
passed to the State Forest Service
(in 1926) and then to the Public Works Department (PWD) (in 1931). Around that
time, owners of
adjoining farms requested government assistance in dealing with
sand encroachment on their farms. A joint report at that time by
officers of the
State Forest
Service and the PWD estimated that reclamation would cost at least £20,000
and that afforestation would probably not be successful.
A copy of the plan
showing the extent of the advance of the sand on to settlers’ land is
replicated earlier in this judgment
at
[116] above.250
- [412] In May
1932, and using unemployed relief workers (in the context of the Depression),
the PWD began work on reclaiming the sandhills
at Maioro, which became known as
the Waiuku or Waikato North Head Sand Dune Project. The work involved
stabilising the sand by erecting
barriers and planting marram grass followed by
lupin. Once stabilised, pine trees were also planted. The agreed statement of
facts
records that that work was undertaken on Crown land, on land owned by
settlers and on the four wāhi tapu. There are no contemporaneous
records
indicating any attempt was made to contact the various
owners.
- [413] In October
1935, the PWD District Engineer recommended that thought be given to the future
use of the reclaimed land. He suggested
the land be afforested, given the trees
would in the future generate revenue; their presence would “prevent any
agitation for
return of reclaimed areas to original owners”; the public
would give more respect to an area planted in trees than they would
to land
covered by lupin and scrub; and finally, that forests require continuous
maintenance and that fact would mean the area and
its underlying issues were not
forgotten. He noted in relation to possible calls for land to be returned
that:
As you are aware, most owners handed over their sand lands to
the Crown for nothing. The question of returning land when covered with
rough
feed has been mentioned by some, but it is considered that such return would be
courting disaster. Stock would undoubtedly
tend to destroy the vegetation and so
start the area on its return to sand waste.
- [414] In October
1935, a recommendation was put to the Minister of Public Works that the land be
subject to afforestation. The author
of the recommendation stated that
discussions had taken place with the State Forest Service who thought the land
would at some stage
be vested in their department as State forest. The
afforestation of Maioro was approved by Cabinet in October
1935.
- Mr
Parker noted that over time, most of the settler sections were subject to sand
dune reclamation and were taken under the PWA 1928
and later added to the Waiuku
State Forest.
- [415] From 1936,
the PWD began issuing notices taking land required for sand dune reclamation at
Maioro. Those takings related mainly
to the settler lots located within the
north-eastern part of Maioro.
The PWA 1928 taking of Te
Papawhero
- [416] The agreed
statement of facts records that the first pine trees were planted on Te
Papawhero in 1938.
- [417] On 1
August 1938, a PWD engineer sent a memorandum informing the District Engineer
that a recent survey had shown that Te Papawhero
had been planted by the PWD who
had assumed it was Crown land:
Adjoining (on the north side) the Crown area on which operations
were commenced is a Native block of 509 acres, Allot 97, Waiuku West
Parish. To
render our operations effective in arresting sand drift, they had to extend over
all areas of moving sand. A recent survey
revealed that much of the Native land
had been planted, under the misapprehension that it was Crown land.
- [418] No mention
was made of the three other wāhi tapu areas.
- [419] As noted
above, neither Mr Parker nor Mr Minhinnick located any contemporaneous evidence
that local Māori were informed
at that time that their land was being
planted. However, Mr Parker referred to the following more recent materials
which indicate
some consultation probably took
place:
(a) Minutes of the Huakina Liaison Committee251
meeting of 13 February 1986 record that an elder of Ngāti Te Ata, Mr
Tom Brown, stated:
...that in the thirties the Government approached Ngāti Te
Ata people about the plan to afforest the area. At that time there
was little
work around and, although the older people no doubt did not wish the whole area
to be disturbed, they agreed. This was
the start of it all, and once the trees
grew, the older people agreed the Public Works Department plant all the
land....
- The
Liaison Committee was a committee established in 1980 as a “liaison
vehicle” between Ngāti Te Ata and NZ Steel.
See [552]
below.
(b) In January 1987, an article appeared in a newspaper that
included a report on a statement by Alec Kaihau of Ngāti Te Ata
indicating
he was aware there had been some consultation with local Māori at the
time:
With regard to the Waiuku State Forest, Mr Kaihau says there was
a breach of promise in the 1920s concerning forestry. The old people
were
approached to allow planting of marram and Kikuyu grass and pine trees, to
arrest encroachment.252
(c) To a similar effect, in April 1988, a report of Professor
Erica-Irene A Daes, Chairman-Rapporteur of the United Nations Working
Group on
Indigenous Populations, recounted a discussion between the author and Mr Kaihau
who is recorded as stating:
With regard to the Waiuku State Forest Mr Kaihau says, inter
alia, there was a breach of promise in the 1920’s concerning forestry.
The
old people were approached to allow the planting of marram and kikuyu grass and
pine trees, to arrest encroachment.
- [420] Mr
Minhinnick accepted these materials suggested at least some engagement on the
planting, but did not go as far as agreement.
- [421] Turning
back to the 1 August 1938 memorandum, the PWD engineer recommended the land be
taken under the PWA. He referred to a
list he had obtained from the Native Land
Court setting out owners of Te Papawhero and a 1936 Government valuation of the
land of
£100. The list showed that the land was held under an unregistered
Crown grant (that is, the 1878 Crown Grant) by six of the
original owners.
Another four of the original owners were shown as deceased and a number of
successors to their interests had been
appointed.
- [422] On 13
October 1938, the Engineer-in-Chief informed the District Engineer that the
taking of Te Papawhero under the PWA was approved.
This was followed by notice
in the New Zealand Gazette on 10 March 1939 of the intention to take Te
Papawhero “for sand dune reclamation purposes”. The notice stated
that a
plan of the land to be taken would be displayed at the Port Waikato post
office and that persons
252 The report went on to note Mr Kaihau’s
comments that “to these people the felling of trees would have been
completely
alien, and they would never have agreed to the industry had they been
asked”.
with well-founded objections should write to the Minister of Public Works
within 40 days of publication of the notice.
- [423] Notice
that Te Papawhero was formally taken for sand dune reclamation purposes under
the PWA 1928 was published in the
New Zealand Gazette on 7
September 1939.
Compensation for the taking of Te
Papawhero and subsequent treatment of the land
- [424] In
February 1941, the PWD applied to the Native Land Court for compensation to be
assessed for the taking of Te Papawhero. The
hearing was advertised, noting it
would take place before the Native Land Court at Ngāruawāhia on 29
April 1941. Mr Parker
notes that the hearing appears to have been postponed at
least four times, eventually taking place on 27 March 1945. The Court’s
minutes adduced in evidence demonstrate that the PWD offered to pay compensation
for the land based on the then Government valuation
of £180 and that the
owners were to be advised. That hearing was then adjourned and reconvened on 18
July 1945. There was no
evidence available as to whether the owners (or their
descendants, the Court record noting that all original owners were deceased)
were advised in the interim period of the compensation offer. None attended the
follow-up hearing on 18 July 1945. At that hearing,
the Native Land Court
assessed compensation payable at the 1941 Government valuation of £180 and
ordered it be paid on behalf
of the owners to the Waikato Maniapoto District
Māori Land Board. That sum was paid to the Board on 13 September
1945.
Plantings on Waiaraponia
- [425] The first
trees were planted on Waiaraponia in 1940. The agreed statement of facts records
that the planting on this wāhi
tapu was completed by
1949.
Removal of kōiwi from Te
Papawhero
- [426] In
February 1941, Princess Te Puea Hērangi requested a licence under section
67 of the Cemeteries Act 1908 to remove kōiwi
(human remains) from two
sites, including “Te Papawhero cemetery situated at Miora [sic]” and
to reinter the remains
in the Māori cemetery at Taupiri. The inspector
considering the request stated in a
memorandum dated 19 February 1941 that the last known burial at Te Papawhero had
taken place in about 1860.
- [427] Evidently
inquiries had been made as to the number of persons estimated to be buried at
the two sites the subject of the request.
A memorandum dated 18 March 1841 from
the Medical Officer of Health recorded:
The reason for the application, given by Princess Te Puea
Hērangi is, that these burial grounds have not been in use for a number
of
years and are in a neglected state. The burial ground at Te Tehe is now leased
to a pākehā for farming purposes, and
at the Te Papawhero burial
grounds the sand is constantly shifting resulting in the bones being
exposed.
- [428] The
Minister of Health approved the application on 28 March
1941.
- [429] In May
1941, the Health Inspector at Pukekohe reported that exhumation of human remains
from Te Papawhero had taken place on
31 April 1941. No mention was made of the
number of remains removed or whether all the remains had been located and
reinterred.
Plantings on Te Kuo
- [430] The first
pine trees were planted on Te Kuo in 1944. The agreed statement of facts records
that this planting was completed
in 1953.
Plantings on Tangitanginga
- [431] The first
pine trees were planted on Tangitanginga in 1945. The agreed statement of facts
records that this planting was completed
in 1949.
Lead up to the takings of Te Kuo,
Waiaraponia and Tangitanginga
- [432] By 1948,
consideration was being given to transferring control of the reclamation scheme
to the State Forest Service, but the
PWD Reclamation Officer at Maioro
recommended this should not be done until planting marram and lupin was
complete. He stated:
The primary consideration is sand reclamation not
afforestation, the latter being a secondary step in the process. If the areas
are to be ultimately
reclaimed for agriculture this should follow afforestation as apart from
humus derived from trees, the sale of timber from reclaimed
afforested areas
would pay the capital cost of reclamation.
(emphasis in original)
- [433] On 20
March 1951, Cabinet approved the transfer of control of sand dune reclamation to
the Lands and Survey Department, with
the New Zealand Forest Service (NZFS)
being responsible for sand fixation and planting. Ministers noted the forests
that had been
planted by the PWD, now named the Ministry of Works (MOW),
required silvicultural treatment.
- [434] A
subsequent memorandum from the Director-General of Lands to all Commissioners of
Crown Lands set out the aims of the reclamation
schemes:
Although the ultimate aim of these [sand dune reclamation]
schemes will be to establish pasture on the sand country, it is expected
that
initial work on the three current schemes253 and on any others which
may be resumed or commenced will be undertaken by the N.Z. Forest Service as
this work will be by way of sand
dune fixation and protective tree planting.
- [435] On 27
August 1951, the Director-General of Lands and the Director of Forestry sent a
memorandum on sand dune reclamation policy
to the Conservators of Forests and
Commissioners of Crown Lands. The memorandum included a statement that
reclamation areas like
Maioro were to be declared to be State
Forests:
Compact areas which are readily definable and which, on a joint
inspection, are agreed to have no immediate agricultural or pastoral
potential
are to be proclaimed State Forests.
- [436] A
declaration as State forest meant that control of the land and the trees vested
solely in the NZFS.
- [437] In March
1952, the Conservator of Forests at the Auckland Conservancy informed the
Director of Forestry that the definition
of the boundaries of the sand dune
reclamation area at Maioro had begun. The Conservator noted the area included
Māori land
but he did not think it would be a good idea to advertise that
fact at that time:
253 Including those at Waikato Heads
(Maioro/Karioitahi).
It is not considered desirable at this stage to draw attention to the fact
that Māori-owned land in the Waiuku project has been
planted without being
acquired. The areas concerned are Section 98, 99 and 100, in Block VII, Maioro
[survey district]. They have
no legal access.
- [438] In May
1952, the Conservator prepared a file note on declaring the Maioro sand dune
reclamation to be State forest. He touched
on the issue of the three wāhi
tapu areas located within it and said:
Mr Boardman is of opinion that, although these sections have no
access and have already been planted, the question of their acquisition
should
be discussed with the District Officer, Māori Affairs Department.
- [439] On 20 May
1952, the Conservator sent a memorandum to the Commissioner of Crown Lands
noting the three wāhi tapu areas were
located within the reclamation
project, they had no access and their owners were probably deceased. He said it
was desirable they
“be included in the project” and requested the
Commissioner to discuss the matter with the District Officer in the Māori
Affairs Department.
- [440] Mr Parker
produced in evidence a list from around this time of the owners of the three
wāhi tapu areas. Mr Parker’s
opinion was that the list had most
likely been compiled in the Māori Land Court. The list showed the then
current ownership
of the three wāhi tapu areas as
follows:
Waiaraponia (Lot 98) 30 acres
|
Grantee:
|
Hori Tauroa
|
Present owner:
|
Wiremu Tauroa
|
Te Kuo (Lot 99) 123 acres
|
Grantees:
|
Mere Ngataru
|
|
Kapehana Pomare
|
|
Pumipi Te Putu
|
|
Ritihia Ngataru
|
Present owners:
|
“The same. No succession orders yet made”
|
|
Tangitanginga (Lot 100) 63 acres
|
Grantees:
|
Aihepene Kaihau
|
|
Hori Tauroa (dec’d)
|
|
Ngakoroko Moeatoa
|
Present owners:
|
Aihepene Kaihau
|
|
Wiremu Tauroa
|
|
Ngakoroko Moeatoa
|
- [441] Mr
Parker’s evidence was that by 1952, there appeared to be no living
grantees of the 1878 Crown Grants for Waiaraponia,
Te Kuo, and
Tangitanginga.
- [442] At the end
of May 1952, the Commissioner of Crown Lands wrote to the Registrar at the
Māori Affairs Department in Auckland,
stating the Department of Lands and
Survey wanted the three wāhi tapu areas be added to the sand dune
reclamation project. The
Commissioner asked the Registrar to advise whether it
would be possible to purchase the areas, or whether it was more advisable to
take them under the PWA 1928. The Registrar replied stating that
“enquiries were being made among the owners of the land, with
a view to
ascertaining their attitude to this matter”. The same day, the Registrar
sent a memorandum to a Mr K.G. Runciman
of the Māori Affairs Department
asking for assistance:
The above-mentioned Blocks are owned by the Māoris set out
in the attached searches of Title. They were granted to the original
Māoris
under the “Waiuku Native Grants Act 1876”. At that time they were
probably open land, but are now covered
with sand. They have no access, being
enclosed by Crown land comprising the bulk of the area on the North side of the
mouth of the
Waikato River. Rough sketch plan is enclosed.
When the [PWD] started sand dune reclamation at North Waikato
Heads these sections were planted along with other areas. The NZ Forest
Service
has now taken over and desire to obtain Title. ...
Would you please make discreet inquiries among the Waiuku people
as to whether or not there would be any objection to taking of the
land under
the Public Works Act. You should limit your enquiries to the Tauroa and Kaihau
families; Rangi Brown (who is a Kaihau) could probably give some
information.
- [443] I
interpolate to note that Mr Minhinnick, and Mr Kahukiwa in his closing
submissions, were highly critical of this instruction
to “limit” the
communications made. I am not, however, prepared to infer “bad
intent” from this comment alone.
It is simply not known what the purpose
of this approach was or its context. Given the passage of time, it is obviously
not possible
to put such matters to the author of the
document.
- [444] Mr
Runciman replied on 21 July 1852, stating he had talked to some of the
“prospective” successors to the owners:
I have been able to contact some of the prospective successors
to the owners of Lots 98254 and 100255 but not of Lot
99.256 I am advised that Tui Tepene of Maioro is probably a successor
to owners of Lot 99.
Rangi Brown, Peti Tauroa, Stewart & Sonny Kaihau have no
objections to Lot 98 being taken for the purpose outlined in your memo
under the
Public Works Act except that either Lot 98 or Lot 99 encloses an Urupā
which they desire protected.
They have no objection to the major part of Lot 100 being so
taken but desire to retain 1 chain wide of the whole of the river frontage
of
the section. This was apparently a favourable fishing ground & they wish to
retain the right of landing there whenever they
desire.
They recognise that this is in a prohibited area & that they
will not be able to light fires there.
I will contact Tui Tepene as soon as possible & ascertain
his views.
- [445] On 10
September 1952, the District Officer informed the Commissioner of Crown Lands
that an update had been provided by Mr Runciman
stating that Tui Tepene had been
contacted and he was in agreement and would not object to Te Kuo being taken
under the PWA 1928,
provided the urupā was preserved and the one chain
river frontage reserve be provided for the owners of
Tangitanginga.
- [446] On 1
October 1952, the Conservator of Forests wrote to the NZFS Officer
stating:
254 Waiaraponia (Lot 98).
255 Tangitanginga (Lot 100).
256 Te Kuo (Lot 99).
Proposals have now been submitted to the Commissioner of Crown Lands that an
area of 2,830 acres, which is all the Crown land in the
above-mentioned project,
should be proclaimed State Forest.
Negotiations have already been entered into with the Department
of Māori Affairs for the acquisition of Sections 98, 99 and 100.
Generally
the Department and most of the Māori owners have no objection to this
proposal.
- [447] The same
day a file note by the Senior Ranger recorded that surveys were to be made of
the fishing reserve and urupā. The
note stated that in the interim, the
Crown land would be gazetted (as State forest) and when the Māori land
became available
it would also be gazetted as State
forest.
- [448] On 29
October 1952, the Commissioner of Crown Lands informed the Director-General of
Lands of a decision that all the land in
the reclamation area should be declared
a State Forest Reserve so the NZFS would have full control. He noted the land
was only suitable
for afforestation and that it contained no land suitable for
agricultural development. He went on to state:
There are three sections within the Waiuku area which are
Māori Land and I am taking action to have these purchased so that they
can
be included in the scheme. They are at present planted in trees.
When the whole area has been vested in the Forest Service they
are to investigate certain private lands adjoining which could be better
utilised in conjunction with the forest.
- [449] There is
then a gap in the contemporaneous materials until April 1954, when an official
(who Mr Parker believed worked in the
Māori Branch of the Department of
Lands and Survey in the North Auckland office) recorded in a file note that
most, if not all,
of the owners of the three wāhi tapu areas were deceased.
The official noted that succession orders would be required before
beginning to
negotiate for purchase of the land and they would probably be difficult to
arrange. He recommended the land be taken
under the PWA 1928 and that “HO
should agree to this action if it is known that the local Māoris (or
owners) are agreeable”.
- [450] In a
separate file note created the following day, the official recorded that
“Māori would like the urupā to
be excluded [from the taking] and
fenced” and that “Rangi Brown or Stewart Kaihau should be contacted
to obtain information
on the location of the urupā.”
- [451] On 19
October 1954, the Commissioner of Crown Lands informed the Conservator of
Forests that most of the owners of the wāhi
tapu areas, if not all of them,
were deceased. The Commissioner stated that local Māori with claims to the
area would be agreeable
to the land being taken under the PWA 1928 provided the
urupā on either Lot 98 or 99 was excluded and that the chain strip on
Lot
100 was also excluded. He noted that those areas would need to be defined by
survey and once that was completed the residue would
be taken. In the event, the
survey of the wāhi tapu areas and the exclusions from them was not
completed until 1958.
- [452] In the
interim, on 20 February 1957 and pursuant to s 35 of the PWA 1928, Te Papawhero
was declared to be Crown land subject
to the Land Act
1948.
- [453] In
February 1958, the Staff Surveyor forwarded a report on the surveys at Maioro.
In relation to the urupā, he reported
it had been located on Te
Kuo:
The urupā on Allot 99 was located on the ground
with the help of Mr Wikiriwhi, Dept of Māori Affairs, Pukekohe,
who
arranged for the interested Māoris to be present to point out the position.
They, together with the officers in charge of
the State Forest, agreed with the
location of the reserve.
- [454] The survey
plan of the three wāhi tapu proposed to be taken for State forest purposes
was approved by the Chief Surveyor
in October 1958.
- [455] The image
below is the survey and shows Waiaraponia (Lot 98), and Te Kuo (Lot 99),
together with the urupā within it:
- [456] The image
below is also taken from the survey and shows the layout of Tangitanginga (Lot
100). The one chain fishing reserve
can be seen at the eastern boundary of the
land:
- [457] On 6
November 1958, the Conservator of Forests wrote to the Commissioner of Works
enclosing copies of the survey of the three
wāhi tapu and
stated:
As the acquisition of these sections may involve compensation to
the owners I would be grateful if you could handle the acquisition
from the
Māori Land Court with the view to taking the sections for forestry purposes
under the P.W. Act 1928 pursuant to Section
15 of the Forests Act 1949.
- [458] On 12
November 1958, the Working Plans Officer at NZFS Head Office drafted a note
stating:
At a rough estimate I would say that about 190 acres has
been planted, mainly with P.radiata in various years between 1938 &
1953.
The sections are an essential part of Waiuku Forest & should
be acquired but the cost is likely to be considerable, probably over
£10,000 unless the owners can be satisfied with something less than present
value.
- [459] Later that
month, the same officer wrote to the Conservator of Forests requesting a
valuation of the three wāhi tapu areas.
He stated:
Our experience, so far, with Māori owned sand dune areas
inadvertently planted by the MOW is that the owners are not likely to
be
satisfied with anything less than the full present value of the forest.
- [460] On 26
November 1958, the Conservator of Forests replied stating he felt it best to
delay having the valuation undertaken until
the MOW requested it, because it was
“not improbable” it might not be required.
Takings of Te Kuo, Waiaraponia and
Tangitanginga
- [461] On 23
March 1959, the District Commissioner of Works forwarded a “quarter-
sheet” to the Commissioner of Works attaching
a notice of intention to
take the three wāhi tapu (but excluding the urupā and fishing reserve)
for State forest purposes.
He explained why it was thought necessary to
compulsorily acquire them:
As the land is Māori owned and there is difficulty in
obtaining properly attested consents, it is necessary to take the land
under the
compulsory provisions of the Public Works Act 1928.
The Department of Māori Affairs has confirmed that it is
unlikely that there will be any objections to the proposal.
- [462] The notice
of intention to take the three wāhi tapu areas for State forest purposes
was published in the New Zealand Gazette on 23 April 1959. The notice
stated the plan of the land to be taken would be on display at the Tuakau Post
Office and that written
objections to the taking should be forwarded to the
Minister of Works within 40 days of publication of the
notice.
- [463] On 6 May
1959, the District Commissioner of Works sent copies of the notice of intention
to the Department of Māori Affairs
in Auckland and asked for them to be
served “upon the owners and occupiers of the land to be taken and upon any
other
person having an interest in the land”. The notice of intention was also
published in the Waiuku News on 8 May and 12 May 1959.
- [464] On 14 May
1959, the District Officer of the Department of Māori Affairs replied to
the District Commissioner of Works stating
that it was “thought”
that all of the owners were deceased and it had therefore not been possible to
serve the notice
of intention upon the owners and occupiers of the
land.
- [465] The Chief
Postmaster at Auckland informed the Commissioner of Works on 15 July 1959 that
the notice of intention and the associated
plan had been on public display at
the Tuakau Post Office for the requested 40 days.
- [466] On 31
August 1959, the Minister for Works and the Governor General signed the
proclamation formally taking the three wāhi
tapu areas for State forest
purposes.
- [467] The taking
proclamation was published in the New Zealand Gazette on 3
September 1959. The notice stated the land was taken under the PWA 1928 for
State forest purposes. A copy of the proclamation
was also published in the
Waiuku News on 29 September 1959.
Compensation for takings
- [468] It appears
that no steps were taken after the takings to attend to compensation payments.
Nor is there any evidence of any compensation
being sought until
1971.
- [469] In June
1971, Ngāneko Minhinnick (later Dame Ngāneko Minhinnick, Mr
Minhinnick’s late mother), wrote
to the Department of Māori and
Island Affairs stating her mother had applied to succeed to the interests of
Wiremu Tauroa in
Tangitanginga.257 She said she had discovered that
Tangitanginga had been taken in 1959 and compensation of £19 had been paid.
This reference to
compensation having been paid may have been in error, as
neither Mr Parker nor Mr Minhinnick located
257 In September 2013, Mrs Minhinnick was appointed a
Dame Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit for her services to Māori
and conservation. In this section of my judgment, addressing an earlier time
period, I will refer to Dame Ngāneko as Mrs Minhinnick,
as that is how she
is referred to in the underlying evidence.
evidence of any having been paid to this point. In her letter, Mrs Minhinnick
queried the amount of compensation and sought assistance.
- [470] On 2 July
1971, the Māori Land Court wrote to the Commissioner of Crown Lands
requesting the Commissioner to write directly
to Mrs Minhinnick on the question
of compensation for the taking of Tangitanginga. The Commissioner replied that
the information
was not held and that the MOW would have handled it. The request
was accordingly forwarded to MOW.
- [471] On
investigation, the MOW discovered that it had not made arrangements for
compensation for the takings, which was recorded
in a letter to the Registrar of
the Māori Land Court. The MOW noted that it was prepared to negotiate a
settlement based on
the value of the land at 1959 (the date of the taking) if
the Māori Trustee was able and prepared to act for interested Māori.
The Māori Trustee agreed to do so and the information was conveyed to Mrs
Minhinnick.
- [472] In
December 1971, the MOW’s Land Purchase Officer wrote to the Māori
Land Court stating it appeared the land was
first entered in the late 1930s for
sand dune reclamation and trees were planted from 1940. The officer stated that
that a valuation
in 1960 had given a value for the three wāhi tapu at $400
in (then) current dollars, and he was recommending that compensation
be based on
that amount, together with interest from the date of
taking.
- [473] The
Māori Trustee accepted the offer. On 18 February 1972, a total of $649.59
was paid to the Māori Trustee by way
of compensation.
- [474] I turn now
to the consideration of the use of Maioro for ironsands
deposits.
Consideration of iron and steel
industry in New Zealand – early surveys/consideration
- [475] In 1948,
the Iron and Steel Department decided to undertake a survey of ironsands
deposits on the west coast of the North Island.
As a result, in 1949, a survey
was conducted of North Island ironsands deposits located between New Plymouth
and the Kaipara Harbour.
The survey report recommended that a number of sites
warranted physical sampling, including the mouth of the Marakopa River,
Kawhia
Harbour, Lake Taharoa, Raglan Harbour, Aotea Harbour, Waikato Heads (i.e.
Maioro), Manukau Heads, Piha and Muriwai.
- [476] The
resulting report on the physical sampling stated the
following:
The huge sand deposits in the Kawhia, Aotea, and Raglan Harbour
areas, as well as that at Waikato Heads, were disappointingly low
in ironsand
content and it is doubtful if they will ever warrant development.
- [477] The report
stated that the sites with the most potential were Taharoa, Muriwai and the
mouth of the Marakopa River.
- [478] In 1957, a
paper on a proposed iron and steel industry was submitted to the Cabinet
Committee on Economic and Financial Policy.258 It found there were
enough of the necessary raw materials in New Zealand to supply an iron and steel
plant. The plant needed to be
located near an adequate power source. The paper
suggested Dunedin (probably Aramoana) as the best site for this. The paper
identified
Taharoa as the best source of iron ore and that coal could be
obtained from Ohai or Balclutha.259
- [479] On 29 May
1958, the Cabinet Committee recommended that an inter- departmental committee be
established to report to Cabinet
on matters relating to the establishment of an
iron and steel industry.
- [480] The
inter-departmental committee (known as the Iron and Steel Committee) produced
its first substantive report in October 1958.
The report focused mainly on a
proposal to establish an industry based on the use of scrap iron but it did
recommend investigations
continue into the use of
ironsands.
- [481] A file
note of discussions on 22 December 1958 at Geological Survey (part of the
Department of Scientific and Industrial Research)
on cost estimates for a
proposed ironsands investigation programme records that due to the need for
potential deposits to be near
to accessible transport, the deposits at Taharoa,
Kawhia, Raglan, Maioro and Muriwai were worthy of further investigation. The
note
recorded that Taharoa
- The
renewed interest in such an industry came about because of international
developments in ironmaking technology, and the growth
of the domestic market for
iron and steel products.
- A
study by the New Zealand Development Corporation at around the same time came to
similar conclusions.
contained around 170 million tons of ore but shipping facilities would have to
be constructed; the Kawhia deposit contained around
185 million tons of iron ore
but it would also require shipping facilities; Waikato Heads (Maioro) contained
90 million tons and
that:
Tonnage adequate, average grade probably low but may be
adequate, accessibility appears very good (about 10 miles from railhead
connection
direct to Auckland).
- [482] On 26
January 1959, the Minister of Industries and Commerce wrote to the Prime
Minister and informed him that:
An interdepartmental committee is at present considering the
best way of centralising and co-ordinating the research and investigation
work
necessary to establish whether an iron and steel industry can be set up....
In the light of existing evidence it appears that the deposits
in the North Island are the most suitable but this opinion is based
on
preliminary information only. Much more detailed testing and proving, together
with an investigation of transport and other economic
problems, will be required
in respect of likely ironsands areas ...
- [483] In
February 1959, the Committee produced a substantive report on the work
undertaken to date and recommendations for moving
forward. It recommended a
private company be set up in which the Government and private interests would
take part to undertake a
full investigation into the feasibility of establishing
an iron and steel industry. The company was to be known as the
“Investigating
Company”. Further, the Committee recommended
legislation be enacted: first, to avoid private speculation in ironsands bearing
land; second, to reserve the right to operate the industry to the nominee of the
Government; and third, to enable the Government
to take up shares in the
Investigating Company.
- [484] Appended
to the report was a list of the assumptions and facts on which cost estimates
had been based. This stated that all
major deposits containing over 50 years
supply should be investigated:
The remaining deposits to be investigated were therefore those
at Taharoa, Kawhia, Raglan, Waikato Heads and possibly the southern
end of the
Muriwai if ore mineral below sea level can be mined by dredging.
These deposits will first be ‘scout drilled’ and the
deposit later selected in the light of these investigations and of
other
considerations such as access, as the
most probable source of ore for the industry will then be grid-bored to prove
beyond reasonable doubt that the indicated quantities
do in fact exist.
- [485] The
following series of communications are particularly relevant to the
plaintiffs’ claims as to the real purpose of the
1959 takings of the
wāhi tapu areas.
- [486] On 20
February 1959, the Under-Secretary of the Mines Department wrote to the
Commissioners of Crown Lands in Hamilton and Auckland
regarding ironsands
deposits in Auckland Province. He stated:
You will be aware that renewed interest in proposals for
utilizing the iron sands of New Zealand has led to the Government setting
up a
committee to investigate and advise on all aspects of the matter.
The investigation calls for some details of the ownership of the
main iron sand deposits at [Raglan, Waikato Heads, Kawhia Harbour,
Muriwai
Beach].
...I shall be much obliged if you could let me have whatever
details are available from your records regarding the land tenures.
As this is a preliminary enquiry, I have excluded small
subdivisions as far as possible.
- [487] The
Commissioner of Crown Lands replied on 23 March 1959, and
stated:
The land at Muriwai Beach which is shown on your lithograph is
virtually all Crown land which is very shortly to be declared permanent
State
Forest, certified plans and descriptions at present being with the Head Office
of the New Zealand Forest Service for gazettal.
The land at Waikato Heads is
similarly Crown land to be declared permanent State Forest but it may be a few
months before this action
is finalised. Survey of the area is now virtually
completed but Ministerial consent has yet to be obtained to the transaction
although
action to this end is proceeding.
- [488] On 7 April
1959, the Under-Secretary of the Mines Department wrote to the Director of NZFS
regarding ironsands deposits stating:
I understand that the ironsand areas at Muriwai Beach and at the
Waikato Heads, which are Crown land, are shortly to be permanently
declared
State Forest.
If this is correct, then you may consider deferring this action
until these areas are cleared as possible sources of ironsand on which
an iron
and steel industry might be founded.
Muriwai Beach and the Waikato Heads are included among the areas
which should be investigated to determine the quantity and quality
of the
ironsands there.
I do not know when this is likely to be done, though it is expected a policy
announcement in regard to the establishment of an iron
and steel industry will
be made soon.
- [489] I
interpolate to note that as at the date of this communication, the three
wāhi tapu areas had not yet been taken and as
such, were not “Crown
land”.
- [490] The Acting
Director of Forestry at NZFS replied on 24 April 1959
stating:
This Service is undertaking work in the areas referred to by
you, viz, Muriwai Beach and Waikato Heads, and holds the view that this
should
have the full protection to be obtained from the provision of the Forests Act
1949.
If at any time it should be government policy that Mining
privileges be granted over the whole of or part of these areas there would
be no
difficulty in obtaining the consent required by Section 22 of the Mining Act
1926.
- [491] As can be
seen from [462] above, the notice of intention to take the three wāhi tapu
areas for State forest purposes had
in fact been published in the New Zealand
Gazette the previous day.
- [492] On 24 July
1959, the Secretary of the Department of Industries and Commerce wrote to the
Minister of Industries and Commerce,
noting the Iron and Steel Committee’s
earlier recommendation that certain matters concerning an iron and steel
industry should
be covered by legislation. In the paper, and addressing the
issue of prohibition of prospecting or mining of ironsands, it was recommended
that legislation prohibit any person or authority other than nominees of the
Crown from prospecting or mining for any ironsands or
iron ore in New Zealand
(expect in cases where deposits would clearly not be used for a national iron
and steel industry, where express
permission could be given to prospecting and
mining). The paper also noted that “most of the ironsand-bearing land is
owned
by the Crown or Māoris. A very small proportion is privately
owned.”
- [493] As noted
at [467] above, the three wāhi tapu areas were formally taken for State
forest purposes under the PWA 1928 on
3 September 1959.
Iron and Steel Industry Act
1959
- [494] On 23
October 1959, the ISIA was enacted. Key provisions are as follows.
- [495] Section 3
provided:
3. Right to prospect or mine for ironsands in ironsands area
vested in Crown — (1) Except as otherwise provided by this Act and
notwithstanding the provisions of any Act or of any Crown grant, certificate
of
title, lease, or other instrument of title, the right to prospect and mine for
ironsands in any ironsands area is hereby vested
in Her Majesty, subject to the
provisions of this Act, and no person, other than the Minister, or a person
authorised under this
Act by the Minister, shall, after the commencement of this
Act, prospect or mine for ironsands in any ironsands area.
(2) The Minister, without further authority than this Act, may
carry on prospecting or mining operations in respect of ironsands in
any
ironsands area.
(3) The Minister may by writing under his hand authorise any
person to exercise any of the rights or powers conferred on him by subsection
two of this section subject to such terms and conditions as he thinks fit and
for that purpose the Minister may from time to time,
on behalf of Her Majesty,
enter into agreements with any person in order to give full effect to the
provisions of this subsection.
(4) On the first day of January, nineteen hundred and
sixty-eight, any land which has not been taken under this Act or purchased or
otherwise acquired by the Minister for the purposes of this Act shall cease to
be subject to the provisions of this Act and the rights
of any person existing
at the commencement of this Act and affected by this Act in respect of any land
ceasing to be subject to this
Act as aforesaid shall be deemed to be revested in
that person in all respects as if this Act had not been passed.
(5) The provisions of subsection four of this section shall
apply in respect of any land which the Minister, by notice in the Gazette
published at any time before the first day of January, nineteen hundred and
sixty-eight, declares to be no longer subject to the provisions
of this Act.
(6) Except as otherwise provided by this Act no compensation
shall be payable to any person in respect of any rights conferred on
the
Minister or any other person by this Act or in respect of the suspension,
taking, or postponement of any rights by this Act.
(7) Where prospecting or mining for ironsands in an ironsands
area is likely to interfere with any public work or harbour works, the
Minister
of Works, in the case of a public work, and the Harbour Board having control of
the harbour works, in the case of harbour
works, may impose such terms and
conditions with respect to the prospecting or mining as may be considered
necessary in order to
protect the public work or the harbour works, and all
persons concerned shall be bound by any such terms and conditions.
(8) The powers conferred on the Minister of Works by subsection
seven of this section in respect of the interference with public works
may be
exercised by any Minister charged with the administration of any land in an
ironsands area in respect of the interference
with any works or property subject
to the control of that Minister, and the provisions of the said subsection seven
shall, with the
necessary modifications, apply accordingly.
- [496] Section 7
provided:
- Taking
of land — (1) Where the Minister is of the opinion that any land in an
ironsands area is required for the mining of ironsands or that
any land in any
part of New Zealand is required for the establishment or operation of an iron
and steel industry, the land may be
taken under this Act.
(2) The power conferred by this section to take land shall be
deemed to include a power to take any estate or interest in land or
any right,
easement, or profit á prendre in respect of any land, and any
reference in this Act to the taking of land shall be deemed to include a
reference to the taking of
any such estate, interest, right, easement, or
profit á prendre as aforesaid.
(3) Subject to the provisions of this Act, where any land is to
be taken under this Act it shall be taken or set apart in accordance
with the
provisions of the Public Works Act 1928 in all respects as if the land were
required for a public work under that Act and as if this Act were a special Act
within the meaning
of section eighteen of the Public Works Act 1928 and all land
set apart as aforesaid shall, for the purposes of this Act, be deemed to be
taken under this Act.
(4) Nothing in this section shall be deemed to affect the power
of the Crown to acquire, for the purposes of this Act, land or any
interest in
land by way of purchase or by way of gift or otherwise under the Land Act 1948
or any other Act.
- Compensation
— (1) Every person having any estate or interest in any land taken
under this Act shall be entitled to compensation therefor.
(2) Compensation under this section shall be ascertained and
paid in all respects as if the land had been taken for a public work
under the
Public Works Act 1928:
Provided that in assessing compensation under this section the value of any
ironsands which are or may be on or in the land taken
shall be excluded.
- [498] Section 9
provided:
- Royalties
— (l) Every person having an estate or interest in any land taken
under this Act shall be entitled in accordance with this section
to receive
royalties in respect of any ironsands mined from the land.
(2) There shall be payable in respect of any ironsands mined
from any land in an ironsands area taken under this Act a royalty of
such
amount, not exceeding ninepence for every ton of ironsands mined from the land,
as may be agreed upon by the Minister and the
person entitled to receive the
royalty, or in default of agreement, as may be fixed by arbitration in
accordance with the provisions
of the Arbitration Act 1908:
Provided that where the land is set apart under this Act, the rate of royalty
shall be fixed by the Minister.
(3) This section, for the purposes of any such arbitration, shall be deemed
to be a submission within the meaning of the Arbitration
Act 1908, and the
reference shall be deemed to be to two arbitrators, one to be appointed by the
person entitled to receive the royalty,
and the other by the Minister.
(4) It shall be a term of every award made pursuant to any such
arbitration that the rate of royalty fixed by the award shall be reviewed
every
seven years and the rate of royalty (which shall not exceed the maximum rate
specified in subsection two of this section) in
respect of each seven year
period shall be fixed either by agreement or by arbitration as aforesaid.
(5) Notwithstanding the provisions of subsection two or
subsection four of this section, the parties may agree, either before or after
the claim is submitted to arbitration, that full settlement of any claim for
royalties under this section may be effected by payment
of an agreed sum or by
payment of royalty at an agreed rate (not exceeding the maximum rate specified
in subsection two of this section),
and, if the agreement is made after the date
of any award of arbitration under this section relating to the claim, the award
shall
be deemed to be cancelled.
(6) The Minister shall in granting any rights to any persons
under section ten of this Act provide for the payment by that person
to the
Minister of any royalty payable under this section in respect of the rights
granted.
(7) All royalties and other money received pursuant to the
provisions of this Act shall be paid into the Public Account:
Provided that the Minister of Finance shall, subject to any lawful charges
connected with the cost of collection, pay, without further
appropriation than
this section, any royalty received to the person entitled thereto under this
section.
- [499] Finally, s
12 enabled the Minister of Industries and Commerce to acquire shares in an
investigating company and for the Minister
of Finance to provide finance to that
company.
- [500] The
schedule to the ISIA defined three separate “ironsands areas”, one
of which incorporated Maioro. The areas covered
the bulk of the west coast of
the North Island and a smaller part of the South Island.
- [501] In late
November or early December 1959, a report on an ironsands prospecting programme
stated that there was doubt whether
ironsands from the two largest deposits,
Taharoa and Kawhia, could be transported economically to a plant. It recommended
their further
investigation be deferred. It recommended more intensive drilling
investigations of Muriwai, Waikato Heads (Maioro) and Raglan, in
that order. In
relation to Waikato Heads the report stated:
The 1949 investigation
indicates that Waikato Heads may be marginal as regards ore-content, so the
present programme should establish
whether this is so...
Establishment of the Investigating
Company
- [502] A paper
was put to Cabinet on 29 February 1960 about the calling of a meeting of
participants in the proposed Investigating
Company. The paper set out the
proposed objects of the company, which included:
(a) undertaking all research and investigations to establish
whether an iron and steel industry based on New Zealand ironsands, imported
ore,
or a combination of both, could be economically established; and
(b) to report its findings on feasibility and to recommend the
most efficient way of accomplishing such an industry in New Zealand.
- [503] The paper
envisaged the Government would hold the majority of the Investigating
Company’s shares. Cabinet approved the
calling of the meeting. On 20 June
1960, Cabinet agreed the Investigating Company should be established as a
Government enterprise.
The Investigating Company was registered on 3 October
1960, with the Government holding all of its shares.
- [504] Investigative
drilling at Raglan began on 7 November 1960. The results were disappointing and
it was not pursued. Investigative
drilling began at Waikato Heads (Maioro) in
December 1960. That drilling completed in June 1961 and it was found the site
contained
the necessary amount of ironsands within the boundary of the forest,
and that the grade of iron was much higher than had been previously
estimated.
Further additions to Waiuku State
Forest
- [505] On 18 May
1961, Allotment 361, being the “main” Maioro block, was set apart as
permanent State forest land pursuant
to s 18 of the Forests Act
1949.
- [506] On 29
March 1962, additional parcels of Crown land at Maioro were set apart as
permanent State forest land. Those parcels included
Te
Papawhero.
Establishment of NZ
Steel
- [507] On 11
December 1962, the Investigating Company produced a substantive report on the
feasibility of establishing an iron and
steel industry in New Zealand. The
report concluded that the Maioro ironsands deposit was the best source for the
proposed industry.
It recommended the industry be established using New Zealand
ironsands; that the Government should form an operating company with
significant
Government investment in it; and that the plant should be located in the South
Auckland area.
- [508] In March
1963, Cabinet agreed that a provisional board should be appointed for a company
to operate the iron and steel industry.
On 29 April 1963, Cabinet appointed the
provisional Board of Directors of The New Zealand Steel Company (the Provisional
Board).
- [509] In late
January 1964, an ‘exploratory’ meeting took place between the
Chairman of the Investigating Company and
NZFS to discuss “the proposed
Waiuku Iron and Steel Industry”. The NZFS file note
records:
The discussions held were exploratory only and it was agreed
that they were not to be considered binding on either party. The consultants
[accompanying the Company’s Chairman at the meeting] wanted to know in
general terms what the Forest Service would require
of the operating company if
the scheme does go ahead at Waiuku. They were advised that we would endeavour to
evolve a clear-felling
programme which would tie in with the industry’s
needs for cleared land but that we would certainly be expecting to keep the
land
permanently in forest and to replant areas which had been worked over.
...
The decision as to whether or not the industry will go ahead
will not be taken till towards the end of the year and it will take three
years
to construct the smelting plant. ...
- [510] On 1 March
1965, Cabinet approved the establishment of the iron and steel industry and to
set up an operating company.
- [511] NZ Steel
was incorporated on 26 July 1965 as the operating company. While it had been
intended that the Crown take up only 25
per cent of NZ
Steel’s
shareholding, the share issue in the company was undersubscribed and the Crown
held
45.76 per cent.
- [512] By about
August 1965, a decision had been taken that Glenbrook, located six kilometres
north of Waiuku, would be the site of
the integrated steel plant. The
contemporaneous records show that it was anticipated the plant would be capable
of producing 75 per
cent of New Zealand’s steel
requirements.
- [513] On 29
September 1965, NZ Steel applied to the Mines Department for authority pursuant
to s 3(3) of the ISIA to carry out mining
operations at Maioro. The application
excluded the urupā on Te Kuo and the fishing reserve on
Tangitanginga.
Iron and Steel Industry Amendment
Act 1965
- [514] On 29
October 1965, the ISIA was amended by the Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Act
1965. Section 4 of the amending legislation
enabled the Ministers of Mines and
Forests to set apart State forest land within an ironsands area for the purposes
of mining ironsand,
but with the land remaining State forest land. This became s
7A of the ISIA.
Heads of Agreement and
Licence
- [515] A Heads of
Agreement between the Crown and NZ Steel was signed on 3 June 1966. The Crown
reserved to NZ Steel the right to mine
for ironsands at Maioro for a period of
100 years. There were no particular provisions in the Heads of Agreement
concerning the
wāhi tapu areas (such as their
protection).
- [516] On the
same day, the Ministers of Mines and Forests and NZ Steel signed the deed of
licence for mining at Maioro (that is, the
Licence). Consistent with the Heads
of Agreement, the urupā in Te Kuo and the fishing reserve adjacent to
Tangitanginga were
excluded from the Licence area.
- [517] It is
convenient to set out here the key provisions of the
Licence:
NOW THIS DEED WITNESSETH that, in consideration of the
royalties hereinafter reserved and of the covenants and conditions hereinafter
contained, and on the
part of the Company to be paid, observed and
performed,
the Minister with the concurrence of the Minister of Forests and subject to
such terms and conditions as he may require which said
terms and conditions are
incorporated herein, as is testified by the Minister of Forests being a party
hereunto and executing these
presents, doth hereby grant unto the Company
exclusive licence liberty power and authority to mine and extract all ironsands
as defined
in section 2 of the Iron and Steel Industry Act 1959 lying on or
within the said land, and convert the same to its own use and benefit
by
extracting or recovering therefrom such metals or minerals including titanium
and vandium as it thinks fit and generally using
the same for such purposes as
it thinks fit, in connection with the establishment and operation of an iron and
steel industry.
...
YIELDING and paying unto the Minister a royalty of 6d per ton of
ironsand concentrate recovered pursuant to this licence. Such royalty
shall
become due and payable on the first days of January and July in each and every
year free from all costs charges and deductions
whatsoever and shall be in
respect of iron concentrate recovered during the then preceding sixth
months:
...
-
AND ALSO shall from time to time give to the Minister of Forests a minimum
of two (2) years notice of such mining operations as will necessitate
areas of
the said land being cleared of all trees timber forest products and slash to the
intent that it shall be clean and ready
for stump removal. Slash shall be
removed and or disposed of by whichever party the parties hereto from time to
time agree should
perform such work. All costs in connection with the removal of
all normal logging residuals i.e. stumps and slash and in connection
with
clearing otherwise than for commercial purposes relating to forestry or timber
shall be borne by the Company but otherwise all
clearing envisaged by this
sub-clause shall be without cost to the Company.
-
AND ALSO shall from time to time give the Minister of Forests a minimum of
five years notice (or such shorter notice as the Minister approves)
of its
mining operations particularly as they may affect the removal, replacement,
planning or substitution of, or the provision
of alternative, permanent
improvements of any kind whatsoever except forest produce.
...
-
AND ALSO shall systematically work the ironsands by advancing across such
areas and in such directions as shall be predetermined by agreement
with the
Minister of Forests so that afforestation or reafforestation or worked over
areas may be properly planned.
-
AND ALSO shall bury at a depth of not less than five (5) feet all rock, clay
or other solid spoil, stumps, heads, logs and root systems, uncovered
in the
course of the Company’s operations on the said land under a level or
easily contoured and evenly surfaced spread of
sand at least once in every
twelve
(12) month period to the satisfaction of the Minister of
Forests.
-
AND ALSO shall be entitled to bury on any part of the said land slag and
other wastes from the Company’s smelting operations, at such
depths and in
such a manner and quantities as may be prescribed from time to time by
the
Minister of Forests and whenever so requested by the Minister of
Forests will obtain chemical analysis of such wastes for the Minister
of Forests
at the Company’s expense.
-
AND ALSO shall reimburse the Minister of Forests, reasonable expenses in
establishing marram grass and lupin, erecting breakwinds and generally
doing all
things deemed necessary to prevent any appreciable movement of sand, on from or
to all worked-over areas and where mining
operations have been conducted within
two (2) chains of mean highwater mark, in constructing or reconstructing
suitable and uniform
foredunes and shall facilitate the work of the Minister of
Forests in those respects.
...
19) AND ALSO that subject to any direction in writing as to the
area or areas where for the time stated in such direction this clause
19 shall
not apply, the Company shall be entitled to dispose of ironsands tailings on any
part of the said land including swamp areas
but excluding all areas of standing
timber (including all plantings) or felling operations, land prepared or ready
for planting or
otherwise used or occupied for or in respect of current
afforestation operations.
...
25) AND ALSO will at the expiration or sooner
determination of the said term deliver up unto the said Minister, or any person
appointed in that
behalf, the said land in as good state and condition as the
nature of the case will admit having regard to the Company’s rights
and
obligations hereunder PROVIDED
HOWEVER that the Company will in like manner deliver up from time to
time those portions of the said land in respect of which it shall have
completed
its mining operations, to the intent that such portions be released from the
provisions of this licence and revert to their
original status as land set aside
for forestry purposes exclusively at the earliest possible time.
...
29)(a) That the Minister of Forests shall permit the company to
carry out its mining and associated operations without let or hindrance
and will
not derogate from nor depreciate the rights liberties advantages and benefits
granted to or...
(b) That the Minister of Forests shall permit the Company its
servants agents invitees and licensees full and free liberty of ingress
egress
and regress for the purposes of the Company including the provision construction
reticulation maintenance and repair of roads
power-supply and water-supply
whether new or existing...
State forest land at Maioro set
apart for ironsands mining
- [518] On 7 July
1966, and pursuant to s 7A of the ISIA, the State forest land at Maioro was set
apart for the purposes of the ISIA.
Again, the land set apart
included
all of the wāhi tapu areas, except for the urupā in Te Kuo and the
fishing reserve adjacent to Tangitanginga.
- [519] NZ Steel
began mining ironsands at Maioro in 1968.
The Glenbrook expansion and claims
in relation to Maioro
- [520] By 1979,
NZ Steel proposed to undertake a phased expansion of the Glenbrook plant (in
three stages).
- [521] In August
1980, NZ Steel completed an Environmental Impact Report on its proposed
expansion project. Mrs Minhinnick lodged a
submission in opposition. She was
concerned that the urupā were being threatened by mining under and around
them and wanted
assurances from NZ Steel that Ngāti Te Ata’s
traditional rights, including access to scared areas, would be protected
as far
as possible. In November 1980, the Commission for the Environment released an
Environmental Impact Audit on NZ Steel’s
report. It stated it was
important “all sacred sites, whether surveyed land blocks or not, be
identified and protected from
mining”. In respect of the wāhi tapu
areas, the Commission recommended that NZ Steel:
(a) provide a vegetative buffer between the fishing reserve
adjacent to Tangitanginga and mined land;
(b) provide sufficient protection to Māori land and
safeguard access to it; and
(c) identify and protect any other wāhi tapu that may lie
outside the urupā.
- [522] It was in
this context that the Huakina Liaison Committee was established in December 1980
as a “liaison vehicle”
between Ngāti Te Ata and NZ Steel. NZFS
also attended its meetings. Departing from the chronology for a moment, the
Committee’s
life was reasonably short-lived, at least relative to the
overall history of this matter. It ceased meeting in December 1986. Key
issues
and concerns discussed by the Committee centred on the mining of the wāhi
tapu areas. It appears that by 1986, the parties’
respective positions
were fairly entrenched; Ngāti Te Ata representatives
not
wanting any mining on the wāhi tapu areas, and NZ Steel representatives,
while recognising the need to respect the needs of
Ngāti Te Ata, seeking a
compromise which allowed the mining to continue in accordance with the terms of
its Licence.
- [523] Turning
back to the chronology and the proposed Glenbrook expansion project, in October
1981, the Government gave its approval
for Stage I of the project to proceed and
approval in principle for Stage II.
- [524] In 1980,
New Zealand Steel Development Limited (NZSD) was incorporated to undertake the
expansion (with NZ Steel as its sole
shareholder). At that time, the capital
cost of the expansion was forecast to be $975 million.
- [525] The
project suffered delays and cost over-runs. By 31 March 1985, the estimated
capital cost, excluding interest, was $1,528
million. NZSD then had borrowings
of $1,427 million.
- [526] In the
intervening period, NZFS had commissioned an archaeologist, Mr Ian Lawlor, to
produce a report on Maioro. In his report
of 1983, Mr Lawlor noted that, on
advice from members of Ngāti Te Ata, there were several wāhi tapu
areas within Maioro
in addition to those four wāhi tapu at issue in these
proceedings. The report also raised concerns that mining “tailings”
had been deposited on Tangitanginga.260 Later in December 1983, Mrs
Minhinnick lodged a statement of claim with the Waitangi Tribunal (the Manukau
claim). The claim was
known as “Wai 8”.
- [527] The
Waitangi Tribunal released its report on Wai 8 in July 1985.261 A
number of its findings and recommendations are relevant to the plaintiffs’
present claim:
(a) The Tribunal noted that the four wāhi tapu areas at
issue in these proceedings were areas of early Māori occupation
until the
1870s, but
260 A by-product of the mining process. Mr Charge,
who was until September 2017, President-Mining for NZ Steel, distinguished
ironsands
tailings from tailings from gold and iron ore mining, stating that
ironsands tailings are free flowing sand deposits which have the
iron particles
removed, and washed with fresh water. He stated that no chemicals are involved
in the ironsands tailings.
261 Waitangi Tribunal Manukau Report (Wai 8, 1985).
as sand swept across the headland, the Māori occupants shifted north to
other settlements, and habitation and burial sites became
obscured.262
(b) It commented on the allegation that the three wāhi tapu
had been taken for an ulterior purpose in 1959:263
There were strong suggestions at our hearing that the lands
taken for forestry in 1959 were in fact intended for ironsands mining.
...
The charge that the land was taken for forestry when it was
really intended for mining is not proven on the evidence. There is evidence
that
the Forest Service sought to acquire the land as early as 1952 when it first
took over management of the Forest and that in
1952 it consulted with the
Department of Māori Affairs.
On the other hand it is clear that if, at 1959, the officers of
Forests and Works involved in the taking were unaware of the ironsands
interest,
other officers of the Crown in other branches were very much aware of it. If we
regard the Crown as vicariously responsible
through its several agencies, the
Crown must be taken to have been aware of the intention to mine ironsands when
the Māori land
was taken.
(c) The Tribunal traced the taking of the wāhi tapu areas
under the PWA 1928 and observed that the “hapū has good
cause to
brood over the manner in which they were dispossessed of their last lands and
over the use to which those lands are now
being put”.264 It
noted that although the sites in question were now in Crown ownership, they were
not freely alienated (having been acquired under
the PWA 1928) and
that:265
It is inconsistent with the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi that those
sacred sites, and the lands still owned by the people
[i.e. the urupā and
fishing reserve], should be adversely affected by the mining operations.
(d) It was “impressed by the initiative of the Forest
Service to seek some settlement as soon as these concerns were
raised”,266 and noted the
262 At [5.4].
263 At 21.
264 At 23.
265 At 92.
266 At 23.
“archaeological section of the Forest Service is providing an excellent
service to the Māori people in the identification
of sites of significance
before works proceed.”267 It also noted the support of the
Auckland Regional Authority and the Commission for the Environment in relation
to the protection
of the wāhi tapu areas. Despite this support, however, it
was concerned as to whether recommendations from such bodies would
be followed
or adopted, and noted that the ISIA gave very broad powers to facilitate mining.
It stated:268
While New Zealand Steel Limited has co-operated with the
identification of sites and has agreed to conditions proposed to protect
the
riverside area, we do not consider the Māori people should have to rely on
unenforceable assurances.
(e) The Tribunal also commented on seven areas within Waiuku
State Forest/Maioro that had been identified outside the four wāhi
tapu
areas, and considered whether the “historic wāhi tapu” (that is
the four wāhi tapu in question in these
proceedings) were in fact sacred
sites rather than early habitation areas. It stated that NZFS should not accept
the four areas as
wāhi tapu simply because that is how they had been once
described in the past, but should “strive to identify those sites
that are
strictly wāhi tapu through burials or through having a particular sacred
significance for the tribe”.
(f) The Tribunal also noted the claimants had sought a
recommendation that all mining should halt until identification of wāhi
tapu (outside the four in question) had been completed. The Tribunal declined
that request, noting that identification of the wāhi
tapu was continuing
and “the identification of sites can proceed ahead of the
mining.”269 The Tribunal considered, in the context of various
findings as to changes that ought to be made to mining terms and conditions,
that
NZ Steel should undertake to comply with future directions of NZFS as to
the protection of identified sites, and concluded that “mining
operations
267 At 60.
268 At 61.
269 At 92.
may continue provided mining terms and conditions are renegotiated” to
protect sacred sites.270
- [528] In terms
of the Tribunal’s formal recommendations relating to Maioro, these
included:
(a) Recommendation 9 – that negotiations continued for
settlement of claims relating to the compulsory acquisition of the Waiuku
State
Forest lands;
(b) Recommendation 12(a) – that NZ Steel’s Licence
be reviewed and renegotiated to protect sacred sites “but not
so as to
presume that all former Māori freehold lands are sacred
sites”,271 with provision for re- interment of human remains
and provision for re-interment into larger wāhi tapu of human remains from
dispersed burials found outside the four wāhi tapu, with the agreement of
Ngāti Te Ata; and
(c) Recommendation 12(b) – that sacred sites be surveyed
and, if agreed to by Ngāti Te Ata, their establishment as Māori
Reservations with trustees appointed for their control.
Negotiations following release of
the Tribunal’s report
- [529] As noted
earlier in this judgment, there is an enormous sense of frustration on the part
of Ngāti Te Ata that, some 30
years after the Tribunal’s Wai 8
recommendations, resolution of its Treaty grievances is yet to be achieved.
Given aspects
of the plaintiffs’ claims in these proceedings and in
particular, in relation to the “1990 Commitments” and the
claim of
legitimate expectation in relation to these settlement negotiations, it is
necessary to address the course of the negotiations
in this section of my
judgment.
- [530] I observe
at the outset that my overall impression from the evidence is that the delays
and changes in negotiating stances over
the years has not all been “one
sided”,
270 At 93.
271 At 98, meaning the four wāhi tapu areas.
in terms of the Crown being the sole source or cause of the delay. But it is
equally fair to say that difficulties and delays have
arisen as a result of
changes in government policy to the approach to Treaty settlement negotiations,
as well as legislative changes
(including the enactment of the Resource
Management Act in 1991), which had the unfortunate effect of derailing what
appeared to
be a tantalising close overall settlement in 1991. A cross-claim to
ownership of Maioro by Ngāti Karewa and Ngāti Tahinga
in 1989 (not
resolved until 1994), the presence of the Licence, the legal rights it conveys
to NZ Steel and thus the presence of
NZ Steel as an interested third party in
the outcome of any Treaty settlement, have also added to the complexity.
- [531] Turning
back to the earlier negotiations, during the Wai 8 hearing, NZFS had made an
offer for the return of the wāhi tapu
(to those persons to be identified by
the Māori Land Court), but subject to the Licence held by NZ Steel and the
right to remove
the Crown’s timber, with the owners accordingly receiving
the ironsands royalty and rent from the forestry lease. It appeared
NZ Steel
supported the proposal. No formal response was received from Ngāti Te Ata
at the time.
- [532] A further
offer to that effect was made to Ngāti Te Ata on 6 November 1985. Again,
the offer was not taken up (though there
were discussions of it at the Huakina
Liaison Committee meeting on 8 January 1986, and Mr Alex Kaihau,272
of the Ngāti Te Ata Trust, explained why he had not answered the
letter).273
- [533] On 24 June
1986, the Cabinet Social Equity Committee considered the Tribunal’s
recommendations in Wai 8. In relation to
the Tribunal’s recommendation 9
(that negotiations continue for settlement of claims over the acquisition of the
forest lands),
the Committee requested NZFS to continue negotiations and to
consult with affected Māori groups. In relation to the Tribunal’s
recommendation 12(a) (that NZ Steel’s Licence be reviewed and renegotiated
to protect wāhi tapu), the paper noted the
claimants’ view that they
remained very concerned about mining activities and “planting trees is one
thing, but digging
human bones is another”. The claimants’ position
on the recommendation was recorded as being “[they] would prefer
mining
272 Mrs Minhinnick’s brother.
- Mr
Minhinnick explained in his evidence that the condition that the land remained
subject to the Licence was unacceptable to Ngāti
Te
Ata.
to cease, instead of being reviewed or renegotiated”. The Committee noted
that negotiations were ongoing but no resolution
had been reached. On Tribunal
recommendation 12(b) (that assistance be provided to survey wāhi tapu and
to establish them as
Māori reservations), it was noted that officials had
voiced their general approval for the recommendation. It was proposed that
NZFS
prepare a report on the implications of actions to be taken to resolve
recommendations 9 and 12(a), for Lands and Survey and
NZFS to prepare a joint
report concerning the identification and protection of sacred sites belonging to
Ngāti Te Ata, and for
Māori Affairs to report on the creation of the
Māori reservations.
- [534] On 30
September 1986, the Cabinet Social Equity Committee agreed to support in
principle all of the Waitangi Tribunal’s
recommendations in Wai 8 relating
to Maioro. The Committee noted that negotiations with Ngāti Te Ata relating
to the Tribunal’s
recommendation 9 were being undertaken by the Minister
of Forests. In relation to recommendation 12, the Committee noted that neither
the ISIA nor the Licence itself contained any provision to renegotiate
conditions with NZ Steel for mining operations to be halted.
The Committee
agreed that negotiations should continue so that “where
practicable”, sacred sites and other affected Māori
land could be
protected from proposed, current and completed mining.
- [535] By the end
of the year, however, negotiations had stalled. Contemporaneous papers indicate
that Ngāti Te Ata sought the
unconditional return of the wāhi tapu
areas and other sites, while the Crown and NZ Steel wanted to limit the amount
of land
returned so that NZ Steel’s operations continued to be viable.
There had also been ongoing discussion but no resolution of
the identification
of sacred sites within Maioro. Towards the end of the Huakina Liaison Committee
meetings, Ngāti Te Ata representatives
were also pressing their broader
concerns at the confiscation of Maioro generally (i.e. not only the wāhi
tapu), as well as
the balance of the land on the Āwhitu Peninsula. The
minutes of the Committee meeting of 29 May 1986 record Mr Kaihau as
stating:
...even the Waitangi Tribunal did not realise the extent of the
problem. It was not possible to deal with the Maioro situation without
opening
up the whole confiscation problem. Ngāti Te Ata were not prepared to sign
an agreement between Forest Service (Govt)
and themselves and disregard the past
Māori
difficulties which remain in the memory for a long time. It is not possible
to separate the Maioro issue from the total Āwhitu
Peninsula.
- [536] For
completeness, I note that in 1986 and while negotiations continued, NZ
Steel altered its operations to mine only to,
but not within, the boundary of
Tangitanginga (the first of the wāhi tapu areas that was proposed to be
mined).
State-Owned Enterprises Act
- [537] The SOE
Act was enacted on 18 December 1986. I have already discussed the related
Lands case earlier in this judgment.
- [538] The SOE
Act abolished NZFS as from 31 March 1987 and replaced it on 1 April 1987
with the New Zealand Forestry Corporation
(NZFC). It is relevant to note that NZ
Steel has never been a state-owned enterprise subject to the
Act.
- [539] In
February 1987, Mrs Minhinnick sent a telegram to the Government requesting
confirmation that Waiuku State Forest land would
not be vested in NZFC while
subject to claims to the Waitangi Tribunal. The Deputy Prime Minister replied on
24 February 1987 stating
that pursuant to s 27 of the SOE Act, if land subject
to a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal was transferred to a state-owned enterprise
it would remain subject to the claim.
- [540] On 17
March 1987, Mrs Minhinnick lodged a claim with the Waitangi Tribunal stating she
would be prejudicially affected by the
transfer of the wāhi tapu areas to
NZFC pursuant to the SOE Act (Wai 31).274
- [541] On 18
March 1987, the Special Ministerial Co-ordinating Committee on state- owned
enterprises agreed the Government would give
an undertaking that title to the
four wāhi tapu areas would be retained by the Ministry of
Forestry.
- [542] On 1 April
1987, management (but not ownership) of the Waiuku State Forest was transferred
to NZFC.
- On
3 August 1988, the claim was extended to include all of the Waiuku State Forest
lands at Maioro. Wai 31 also remains unsettled.
- [543] In October
1988, the Ministerial Committee on Land Allocation (which had been established
to make decisions on allocations of
lands to state-owned enterprises) agreed to
amend land allocation schedules to show that Waiuku State Forest was allocated
to NZFC
and the four wāhi tapu areas were allocated to the Department of
Conservation (DoC). In December 1988, the Ministerial Committee
agreed that NZFC
would hold cutting rights over the four wāhi tapu so that it could meet
wood supply agreements, and that NZFC
and DoC would enter into a management
agreement in consultation with Māori to enable the forest to be managed and
the wāhi
tapu to be protected. On 7 March 1989, the Cabinet Social Equity
Committee agreed that the Waiuku State Forest lands would not be
sold, that the
Government did not intend to sell forestry rights over the four wāhi tapu,
and that correspondence be sent to
Ngāti Te Ata concerning the wāhi
tapu. On 13 March 1989, the Minister of State- Owned Enterprises sent a letter
to counsel
acting for Ngāti Te Ata stating that the Waiuku State Forest
land would not be sold and the Government did not intend to sell
the cutting
rights on the four wāhi tapu areas. A similar letter was sent at the time
to NZ Steel. The company noted that while
it would vigorously defend its rights
under the Licence, a change in ownership of the land itself would not have any
effect on its
operations.
- [544] In July
1990, the four wāhi tapu (except the urupā in Te Kuo and the fishing
reserve in Tangitanginga) were declared
to be held for conservation purposes
pursuant to s 7(1) of the Conservation Act 1987. They have continued to be
managed by DoC as
the Waikato Heads Conservation Area.275 To jump
ahead in the chronology, but to complete the chain of management of Waiuku State
Forest over the years, it was managed by
NZFC and then Crown Forestry Management
Limited (CFML) until 2001. On 30 June 2001, CFML was disestablished and
administration of
the forest passed to Crown Forestry, a business unit of the
Ministry for Primary Industries.
- Though
Mr Charge noted that DoC has had little day-to-day involvement in the management
of the forest.
Sale of the
Crown’s shares in NZ Steel
- [545] I noted
above the expansion project to the Glenbrook Steel Mill. This ultimately led to
the sale of the Crown’s shares
in NZ Steel, that sale featuring in a
number of aspects of the plaintiffs’ claims in this
case.
- [546] The
immediate context to the sale was Cabinet’s agreement on 8 December 1986
to two significant financial reconstructions;
one of NZ Steel and one of NZSD.
This included the Crown taking on NZ Steel’s guaranteed debt in return for
a 90 per cent shareholding
in the company, and to take over another $200 million
of debt and to advance that to the company. The taking over of the $200 million
debt was conditional on NZ Steel agreeing to co-operate on an early disposal of
the Crown’s shares and the company making a
public statement that it would
not ask for further Government assistance. Cabinet also agreed that the Crown
would appoint a financial
advisor to assist it with disposing of the
shareholding in the most profitable manner possible.
- [547] The
outcome of the two financial reconstructions was that the Crown
held
605.7 million ordinary shares (a 90 per cent interest) and 20 million preference
shares in NZ Steel as at 31 March 1987.276 In 1987, the
Auditor-General estimated that the fair value of the shares was $363 million.
This was in the context, however, of the
Crown taking over the company’s
debts that in total cost the Crown $2.228 billion to refinance (including
interest payments)
and writing off the $281 million of Crown loans to NZSD. The
Report of the Controller and Auditor General on the Public Accounts
for the year
ended 31 March 1987 stated that “a conservative estimate of the total loss
to the taxpayer” of the two financial
reconstructions was $2.146 billion.
In the later High Court proceedings concerning NZ Steel and Equiticorp, Smellie
J described the
Government’s involvement in NZ Steel as “a
disaster”.277 The (unchallenged) evidence in these proceedings
was that the investment generated an overall return of negative 85 per cent.
- A
valuation report of January 1987 concluded that “the Crown’s
shareholding in New Zealand Steel does not, at this point
in time, have a
positive commercial value.”
277 Equiticorp
Industries Group Ltd (in statutory management) v R [1996] 3 NZLR 595 (HC) at
597.
- [548] On 9 March
1987, Cabinet approved the appointment of Samuel Montagu Ltd and Buttle Wilson
Ltd as the Government’s advisors
on disposing of its shares in NZ Steel
“in the most profitable manner as soon as
possible”.
- [549] On 30
April 1987, the Minister of Trade and Industry submitted a paper to the Cabinet
Social Equity Committee on ironsands mining
at Maioro and consultations that had
taken place following the Waitangi Tribunal’s recommendations on Wai 8.
The paper recorded
that consultation had taken place with NZ Steel on
restraining mining at Maioro but emphasised the financial costs of doing so. The
following extract from the paper provides context to the broader steps and
discussions occurring at that time:
The Government agencies that prepared the mining licence in 1966
were not aware of any conflict over land ownership issues and it
was not until
the 1980s that these came to prominence when New Zealand Steel was well into its
$2.7 million expansion programme.
The use of ironsands is the pivot of the operation in which the
Government has reluctantly had to invest $2,120 million of scarce
financial
resources in 1986 alone, taking its shareholding to 90 percent. The best
prospect of a return on this investment is the
sale of the operation and
international consultants have been appointed to advise the Crown on the
possibility and negotiations with
potential purchasers are now well advanced.
Any suggestion that the supply of base feedstock ironsand could be threatened
would certainly
have an adverse effect on these negotiations.
Despite the injection of over $2 billion in capital by the
Government in 1986 the company has shortly to raise further loan money
on the
open market and any action which reflected on the viability of the enterprise
will make this more difficult and again leave
the Government as the sole source
of finance. There is, therefore, a clear preference for a negotiated settlement
to the issue rather
than the implementation of additional restraints.
As indicated by New Zealand Steel, there are obvious limitations
on the length of time any voluntary restraint such as that being
observed on the
boundary of Tangitanginga Point 100, can continue to be observed without this
impacting on the company’s still
very precarious financial state.
Similarly, any extension of the restraints over the entire Maioro Peninsula
would cause the firm
to close within 6–8 weeks, when stockpiles would be
exhausted. However, as noted by the Waitangi Tribunal, there is no reason
why a
compromise cannot be reached on the issue of mining in the area. The agreement
eventually made with the Ngāti Mahuta at
Taharoa would provide some
precedent.
- [550] On 2 June
1987, Cabinet approved the sale of the Crown’s ordinary shares in NZ Steel
as soon as possible and in a manner
that maximised value to the
taxpayer.
At the same time, Cabinet authorised the sale of the Crown’s preference
shares in a manner that maximised the return to the
Crown.
- [551] On 19
October 1987, an agreement was entered into for the sale of the Crown’s
shares in NZ Steel to Equiticorp in return
for around $327 million worth of
Equiticorp shares. That same day a side agreement was entered into between the
Crown and Buttle
Wilson Ltd for the latter to underwrite a buy-back of the
Crown’s Equiticorp shares with settlement on 20 March 1988. Buttle
Wilson’s financier of last resort was Equiticorp, and it was the
Equiticorp group of companies that ended up purchasing the
Crown’s
Equiticorp shares.
- [552] In April
1989, Equiticorp was placed in statutory management, and in November 1989 the
statutory managers commenced legal proceedings
against the Crown and other
parties. This Court found against the Crown in relation to the buy- back aspect
of the transaction.278 Smellie J described the buy-back transaction
as “grossly improvident” (from the point of view of the nominated
purchaser
under the buy-back arrangement), given the Crown’s Equiticorp
shares were purchased under the arrangement for $327 million
when at that time
they were only worth around $90 million.279 The Court ordered the
Crown to pay significant sums to the statutory managers on the basis of
dishonest receipt/knowing assistance
principles.280
- [553] Relevant
to aspects of the plaintiffs’ claims discussed further below, the sale of
the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel
to Equiticorp in exchange for Equiticorp
shares did not give rise to any claims in the Equiticorp
litigation.281
A settlement reached?
- [554] By early
1989, the Treaty negotiations were still unresolved. On 13 March 1989, and after
a change of policy, Cabinet agreed
that, subject to a number of conditions
(including that resolution of the issue must include the continued operation of
ironsands
mining at Maioro, joint identification with Ngāti Te Ata of what
areas
278 Equiticorp Industries Group Ltd (in statutory
management) v R [1998] 2 NZLR 481 (HC).
279 At 527 and 601.
280 At 641.
281 As expressly noted in Equiticorp Industries Group v R
[1996] 3 NZLR 586 (HC) at 597.
should not be mined and kōiwi re-interment procedures), a letter should be
sent to Ngāti Te Ata informing it that:
The Government is prepared in principle to make the four
identified wāhi tapu within Waiuku State Forest no longer subject to
the
Iron and Steel Industry Act 1959 and to revest these sites in the original
owners (after a determination of ownership, if necessary
by the Māori Land
Court) and any other sites that might be identified in agreement with the Crown
and New Zealand Steel, subject
to a satisfactory agreement being reached between
all parties on the net outcome of the identification and the procedures for
dealing
with the discovery and interment of human remains.
- [555] On 23
March 1989, the Minister of State-Owned Enterprises informed NZ Steel of
the decision. It stated:
The objectives of the Government are to resolve a long-standing
grievance on the part of the Ngāti Te Ata through providing reasonable
protection for wāhi tapu, but also to provide secure access by NZ Steel to
a sufficient iron sand resource within Waiuku State
Forest. The Government is
strongly of the view that any agreement, to be lasting, must be acceptable to
all the parties involved
as a reasonable compromise.
- [556] NZ Steel
replied on 3 April 1989 stating that any change in ownership to the land the
subject of its Licence would not affect
its operations, but again noting that it
would vigorously defend its legal rights under the
Licence.
- [557] On 5 April
1989, NZ Steel wrote to the Minister of Energy, noting that the statutory
receivers of the Equiticorp Group were
at that time looking to sell the company
and potential purchasers were anxious about security of supply. In this context,
NZ Steel
had not unsurprisingly referred purchasers to the Licence. In its
letter to the Minister, NZ Steel stated:
Our mining licence for ironsand covers the part of the Waikato
North Head deposit that is located within the Waiuku State Forest with
two small
exclusions. We have recently received a letter dated 23 March from the Minister
of State-Owned Enterprises (copy enclosed)
informing us of Government’s
decision in principle to transfer ownership of at least one quarter and possibly
more of the area
held under licence back to the owners.
We have stated in our reply that although we are sympathetic to
the claim by the Māori people and have been and still are prepared
to
assist Government and the owners to reach an agreement, we will vigorously
defend our legal right to mine the ironsand as granted
by our 1966 Mining
Licence.
- [558] NZ Steel
sought assurance that even if ownership of the land were to change, this would
not interfere with its existing rights.
The Minister of Energy replied on 3
May 1989 stating the Government’s objective was to provide reasonable
protection to
the wāhi tapu while ensuring the availability of ironsands
for NZ Steel’s operations.
- [559] At around
this time, a Mrs N Clark wrote to the Minister of State-Owned Enterprises
claiming ownership of Maioro for Ngāti
Karewa and Ngāti Tahinga. On 21
July 1989, the Minister corresponded separately with the solicitors then acting
for Ngāti
Te Ata, NZ Steel and the Ngāti Karewa Ngāti Tahinga
Trust stating that the question of historical ownership of Maioro was
to be
referred to the Māori Appellate Court, though in the interim, the
Government wanted the identification of wāhi tapu
areas to
continue.
- [560] A progress
report by the Minister of Māori Affairs to the Cabinet Social Equity
Committee at around this time recorded
that Ngāti Te Ata had not taken up
the invitation to identify wāhi tapu areas on the Maioro lands, but had
cooperated in
helping determine the merits of the cross-claim by Ngāti
Karewa and Ngāti Tahinga. The Minister stated that officials were
trying to
speed up the process for resolving the cross-claim so negotiations (presumably
with Ngāti Te Ata) could resume.
- [561] On 1
January 1990, Ngāti Te Ata established a “demonstration camp”
at the entrance to the mine and requested
that all mining cease. On 18 April
1990, a human bone (a femur) was found approximately 80 metres outside the
boundary of Tangitanginga.
On 20 April 1990, Ngāti Te Ata placed a tapu
over the mine site.
- [562] On 16 May
1990, the Cabinet Policy Committee authorised Ministers to invite
representatives of Ngāti Te Ata and NZ Steel
to arrange negotiations and
agreed that the basis of those negotiations was to be Cabinet’s decision
of 13 March 1989.
- [563] On 15 June
1990, the Minister of Justice issued a press statement announcing that
“the Government had set in motion the
process to return the four wāhi
tapu at Maioro to Ngāti Te Ata” and “I have asked the Minister
of Energy David
Butcher to begin the process of removing the four wāhi tapu
from the Iron and Steel Industry Act”.
- [564] The
following day, NZ Steel wrote to the Minister of Energy expressing surprise at
the Government’s stated intention and
that it had legal advice that any
attempt to remove the wāhi tapu areas from the ISIA without NZ
Steel’s consent would
be unlawful. An urgent assurance was sought from the
Minister that he would take no action to remove the wāhi tapu areas from
the ISIA without NZ Steel’s consent and that judicial review proceedings
would be filed if that assurance was not forthcoming.
Memorandum of Understanding
- [565] On 16 May
1990, the Minister of Justice wrote to Mr Kaihau formally repeating the
Crown’s position regarding mining at
Maioro, inviting Ngāti Te Ata to
meet with the Crown in Wellington (along with NZ Steel). The Minister’s
letter conveyed
the following key points:
(a) The Crown was prepared in principle to make the four
wāhi tapu areas no longer subject to the ISIA.
(b) The Crown was prepared to revest the four wāhi tapu in
descendants of the original owners.
(c) $20,000 would be made available to Ngāti Te Ata to
cover the costs of further dialogue with the Crown.
(d) The Crown had agreed to continue the dialogue with
Ngāti Te Ata “with a view to redressing their social and economic
concerns”.
(e) The Crown was willing to implement these decisions but
expected reasonable cooperation from Ngāti Te Ata and it would not
negotiate while under duress.
(f) The Crown’s decisions were subject to agreement being
reached between the Crown, Ngāti Te Ata and NZ Steel on the conditions
on
which mining could continue on the balance of Maioro (i.e. other than on the
wāhi tapu areas).
(g) Further progress would require NZ Steel “to be integrally involved
in all discussions”.
- [566] The
following day, Mr Kaihau responded and stated that Ngāti Te Ata accepted
“in principle” the Crown’s
proposal to return the four
wāhi tapu and the proposal that mining cease on those areas. His letter
stated it was “entirely
without prejudice to the question of compensation
for the taking of ironsands in any of the four
blocks”.
- [567] On 21 May
1990, Cabinet reconfirmed its decision of 13 March 1989
that:
the Government is prepared in principle to make the four
identified wāhi tapu
... no longer subject to the Iron and Steel Industry Act 1959 and to revest
these sites in the original owners ... subject to a satisfactory
agreement being
reached between all parties on ... the procedures for dealing with the discovery
and interment of human remains.
- [568] The
parties continued their negotiations, through the auspices of a Joint
Implementation Group comprising representatives of
the Crown and Ngāti Te
Ata. The Group’s work included the establishment of an interim on-site
observer scheme whereby
representatives of Ngāti Te Ata were permitted on
the mining site to observe NZ Steel’s mining operations and to check
for
the presence of further human remains while negotiations continued. The scheme
ceased operations after about eight weeks, but
these efforts led to all mining
operations at Maioro recommencing on 22 May 1990.
- [569] Ngāti
Te Ata signed a memorandum of understanding (i.e. the MOU) on 14 September
1990. It was forwarded to the
Crown for signing under cover of Mr
Kaihau’s letter in which he stated “the Memorandum of Understanding
between Ngāti
Te Ata and the Crown is signed on the understanding that
negotiations continue as soon as possible.”
- [570] The Crown
signed the MOU on 24 September 1990.
- [571] The MOU
recorded that negotiations had taken place between the Crown and Ngāti Te
Ata and that a number of listed actions
were to take place simultaneously and it
was anticipated they would occur before 30 September 1990. Given the
plaintiffs
allege the MOU amounted to a binding commitment to return the wāhi tapu to
Ngāti Te Ata, it is appropriate to set out its
text in
full:282
MEMORANDUM OF UNDERSTANDING
BETWEEN NGĀTI TE ATA AND THE CROWN
“Ko Koe Ki Tena. Ko Ahau Ki Tenei Kiwai
o te Kete”
“You at that, and I at this handle of
the basket”
In keeping with the programme set out in the Report of the
Joint
Implementation Group on Ngāti Te Ata Claims Concerning Maioro of
1 June 1990, and embarked on in subsequent negotiations between the two sides,
the following actions are required to take place
simultaneously and, it is
anticipated, before 30 September 1990.
(1) The Crown will remove the four wāhi tapu from
the ironsands mining licence, preparatory to the making of an application to the
Māori Land Court for final re-vesting
of the lands concerned.
(2) Ngāti Te Ata will propose the conditions under which
mining can proceed on the balance of the Maioro land lying outside the
four
wāhi tapu. These conditions will include a procedure for re-interment.
Such proposed conditions should either
(a) be acceptable to New Zealand Steel Ltd
- or (b)
be such that, in the view of the Minister of Justice, New Zealand Steel Ltd,
ought reasonably to accept them.
(3) As a sign of good faith, and without prejudice to its view
as to longer term responsibilities, the Crown will continue, for the
present, to
meet the cost (at the existing level) of the continued operation of the
“Interim On-Site Observation Arrangement”
agreed between the
parties.
(4) The underlying concept of this understanding is that
captured in the above
whakataukī – that the task can only be accomplished if
both sides carry out their parts simultaneously and with mutual respect.
(5) This understanding is without prejudice to the further
discussions and negotiations which must continue in respect of the other
elements identified in the Report of the Joint Implementation Group.
- [572] The copy
of the MOU signed for the Crown was hand delivered to the Managing Director of
NZ Steel under cover of a letter from
the Minister of Justice dated 24 September
1990.
282 Emphasis in the following text is in the
original.
- [573] On 26
September 1990, counsel for NZ Steel was informed that no action would be taken
to remove the wāhi tapu areas from
the ISIA without giving the company
three working days’ notice. On 15 October 1990, NZ Steel was informed that
the Minister
of Energy intended to remove the wāhi tapu areas from the ISIA
on or after 19 October 1990.
- [574] Two days
later, on 17 October 1990, NZ Steel commenced those judicial review proceedings
discussed earlier in this judgment.
As noted, each of the Crown and NZ Steel
gave reciprocal undertakings to preserve the status quo pending determination of
NZ Steel’s
proceedings.283 As noted, the judicial review
proceedings were then suspended while negotiation and mediation
continued.
Proposed 1991 settlement
- [575] On 27 May
1991, Cabinet agreed to a proposed settlement offer to put to Ngāti Te Ata.
There were various exchanges between
the parties over the ensuing weeks,
culminating in a letter from the Minister of Justice to counsel for Ngāti
Te Ata and NZ
Steel enclosing a “proposed settlement” (subject to
Cabinet approval) to the following effect:
(a) the mining licence over the four wāhi tapu areas would
be surrendered by NZ Steel;
(b) the four wāhi tapu areas would remain subject to the
ISIA (which provisions would be “grandfathered” in view
of the then
impending passage of the Resource Management Act 1991);
(c) the Crown would revest the four wāhi tapu areas in
Ngāti Te Ata subject to confirmation by the Māori Land Court
(i.e.
resolution of the cross- claim referred to earlier);
(d) five acre plots in each wāhi tapu area would be
surveyed out as urupā and would never be mined;
283 Ngāti Te Ata were joined as a party to the
judicial review proceedings on 5 November 1990.
(e) NZ Steel would be able to obtain a licence from the Crown to mine the
residue of the wāhi tapu areas, and the Crown would
hear the views of
Ngāti Te Ata before granting any such licence;
(f) if a mining licence was granted to NZ Steel in relation to
the wāhi tapu areas, it would pay a royalty to Ngāti Te Ata
(the
royalty to be agreed between the parties, or fixed by arbitration);
(g) the maximum royalty rate in the ISIA would be repealed in
relation to the wāhi tapu;
(h) NZ Steel and Ngāti Te Ata undertook to agree on a
proper reinterment procedure of human remains found within the Licence
area
outside the wāhi tapu;
(i) The Crown and Ngāti Te Ata would appoint a mediator to
deal with Ngāti Te Ata’s claims to the Waitangi Tribunal
concerning
ownership of the Maioro lands outside the wāhi tapu, compensation for
deprivation of the wāhi tapu and for despoliation
by mining of the
wāhi tapu and loss of “the Āwhitu Peninsula lands”;
(j) in acknowledgment that:
(i) the royalty that NZ Steel would pay if it mined the
wāhi tapu areas would probably be more than under the Licence;
(ii) NZ Steel had incurred costs due to protest activity by
Ngāti Te Ata; and
(iii) NZ Steel had incurred legal costs relating to litigation
over Maioro,
the Crown would pay NZ Steel “a sum agreed upon in full
settlement”;284
(k) the High Court judicial review proceedings would be
discontinued; and
(l) the Crown would pay the reasonable legal costs of Ngāti
Te Ata.
- [576] Counsel
for Ngāti Te Ata wrote to the Minister of Justice on 16 July 1991
confirming the proposed settlement was acceptable
to Ngāti Te Ata. By 1
August 1991, NZ Steel had indicated it also accepted the amended proposal. That
day, the Minister of Justice
wrote to counsel for Ngāti Te Ata informing
her of NZ Steel’s acceptance and that Cabinet approval would therefore be
sought. The proposed settlement was approved by Cabinet on 12 August 1991 (with
agreement that the Minister of Justice should proceed
to execute a deed of
settlement).
The proposed 1991 settlement is
derailed
- [577] One would
be forgiven for thinking that a final resolution was now in sight. Again,
however, it was not to be.
- [578] On 3
September 1991, Crown Law wrote to counsel acting for Ngāti Te Ata and NZ
Steel informing them that the enactment
of the Resource Management Act 1991 and
the Crown Minerals Act 1991 may affect the implementation of the proposed
settlement.
- [579] On 12
December 1991, the solicitor then acting for Ngāti Te Ata informed Crown
Law that it had been agreed that the barristers
acting for NZ Steel and
Ngāti Te Ata would draft amending legislation to enable the settlement to
be completed. He also noted
that “confirmation of Ngāti Te Ata as the
appropriate owners” by the Māori Appellate Court could delay
settlement.
There had also been discussions about the reinterment arrangements,
and Ngāti Te Ata’s solicitor’s letter
stated:
The reinterment process is the substantial concession made by
our client in the proposed settlement. Until settlement is concluded
it is
unreasonable for Ngāti
- Referenced
in an addendum to the proposed settlement as being $4.75 million paid over a
five- year period, with interest at 9.5 per
cent.
Te Ata to be the
only party required to perform its part of the proposed settlement.
- [580] The letter
concluded:
As it appears as though settlement can be concluded between the
parties soon, we would also like to receive from you a response to
the
suggestions made earlier as to a suitable mediator. Once the settlement is
concluded, you will recall that mediation is to proceed
as a matter of
urgency.
- [581] The agreed
statement of facts records that “considerable delays ensue as counsel for
Ngāti Te Ata and New Zealand
Steel draft the amended legislation”.
The agreed statement of facts further records that on 13 July
1992:
A barrister acting for the Crown writes to counsel acting for
New Zealand Steel and Ngāti Te Ata asking them to confirm they
agree to the
settlement proposal and proposed legislation, and if they agreed the Crown would
then action the draft legislation and
prepare a deed of settlement.
- [582] Nothing of
any substance then appears to have occurred during the latter part of 1992. On
18 January 1993, Crown Law wrote to
the (then) solicitor for Ngāti Te Ata
referring to correspondence in the latter part of 1992, and asking whether it
was correct
to understand that he did not think it was appropriate to continue
as suggested in the 13 July 1992 letter until the Māori Appellate
Court had
determined the cross- claim. Ngāti Te Ata’s solicitor replied on 2
February 1993 stating that was correct.
- [583] It took
some further time, however, for the Māori Appellate Court to reach its
decision on the cross-claim, which was not
released until 12 September
1994.285 The Court found that Ngāti Te Ata held rangatiratanga
over “the lands comprising the Waiuku State Forest which are referred
to
as Maioro” at all material times from 1840 to 1865.
Ngāti Te Ata wish to amend the
proposed 1991 settlement
- [584] On 22
November 1994, Mrs Minhinnick informed the Crown that Ngāti Te Ata wished
to amend the terms of the proposed 1991
settlement, the main substantive change
being that if Ngāti Te Ata did not agree to NZ Steel undertaking mining in
the wāhi
tapu areas, Ngāti Te Ata could pursue whatever remedies were
available in
285 Re Maioro Lands (1994) 18
Waikato-Maniapoto ACMB 220 at 16.
respect of granting the mining licences. The background to the requested changes
was set out in minutes of a meeting between representatives
of the Crown Treaty
of Waitangi Policy Unit (TOWPU) and Mrs Minhinnick held on 22 November 1994. The
minutes record that “Mrs
Minhinnick stated that Ngāti Te Ata had not
been asked to agree to the terms of the Annex”. A proposed amended annex,
reflecting the changes requested by Ngāti Te Ata, was enclosed with the
TOWPU letter sending the minutes to Mrs Minhinnick.
The materials stated:
The next step would be for TOWPU and the Crown Law Office to
draft a Deed of Settlement consistent with the Annex for Ngāti Te
Ata iwi
and Cabinet to consider and mandate their respective representatives to
sign.
- [585] On 8
February 1995, Crown Law wrote to the barrister acting for NZ Steel and informed
him that Ngāti Te Ata had contacted
the Crown following the Māori
Appellate Court’s decision and requested amendments to the proposed
settlement (the letter
noting that “amendment was necessary in any event
because of the passing of the Resource Management [Act] 1991”). On
1 March
1995, the (newly established) Office of Treaty Settlements (OTS) noted its
understanding that none of the parties had given
final approval to the proposed
deed of settlement and that draft legislation had not been finalised or approved
by any of the parties.
- [586] On 23 May
1995, Crown Law wrote to counsel acting for NZ Steel and Ngāti Te Ata
noting the issues that had been raised
by Ngāti Te Ata would require
modifications to the terms of the proposed settlement. The agreed statement of
facts records that:
By this date Ngāti Te Ata had requested further amendments
to the terms of the proposed 1991 settlement including ownership of
the trees on
the wāhi tapu areas, proper procedures regarding human remains, direct
negotiations rather than mediation and additional
legal costs.
- [587] On 22 June
1995, a meeting took place between OTS and Mrs Minhinnick and Mr Roimata
Minhinnick where it was agreed that “the
preferred approach is to stick as
closely as possible to the terms of [the 1991] agreement and endeavour to
implement it as expeditiously
as possible”. The OTS’s letter to Mrs
Minhinnick reporting on the meeting recorded:
The biggest difficulty
lies in finding a way of implementing point 2 above [“ability for NZ Steel
to seek a new licence on terms
equivalent to those in the Iron and Steel
Industry Act (now repealed)”] and, in all likelihood, in agreeing on
procedures for
reinterment.
- [588] In the
same letter, and in the context of the proposed direct negotiations concerning
Ngāti Te Ata’s wider claims,
OTS asked whether Ngāti Te Ata had
undertaken any of its own research into the historical grievances (which at that
time included
Wai 8, Wai 31, Wai 331 (Āwhitu Peninsula) and Wai 508 (South
Auckland)). In the event, the research process added further delay,
with
correspondence in early 1997 indicating that Mr Minhinnick sought to complete
that research by the end of 1997.
- [589] In the
interim, on 29 August 1996, OTS wrote to Mrs Minhinnick stating that Crown
policy was that all of an iwi’s claims
should be negotiated at the same
time so that all claims were resolved. The letter referred specifically,
however, to Ngāti
Te Ata’s Wai 331 and Wai 31 claims and that
Ministers would like to negotiate those two claims
simultaneously.
- [590] Also in
1996, Cabinet considered a variation to the 1991 proposed settlement, but the
matter was deferred until after the general
election.
Crown withdraws its 1991 settlement
offer
- [591] On 20
April 1998, Cabinet agreed to withdraw the 1991 settlement offer to Ngāti
Te Ata and NZ Steel and to consider the
return of the four wāhi tapu areas
as part of negotiations towards a comprehensive settlement with Ngāti
Te Ata. On
28 May 1998, the Minister in Charge of Treaty of Waitangi
Negotiations wrote to Mrs Minhinnick informing her of the decision. The
Minister’s letter also stated that:
The Crown considers the issue of protecting wāhi tapu from
mining should now be addressed as a contemporary matter, under the
relevant
provisions in the Resource Management Act and the Historic Places Act. These
provisions would allow appropriate authorities
to consider whether sites should
be protected from mining. The applicable provisions afford a level of protection
commensurate with
the general regime for the protection of wāhi tapu on
private land. In any event, the Crown is hopeful that NZ Steel will not
need to
mine any sites of concern to Ngāti Te Ata.
- [592] I
interpolate to note that as addressed earlier in this judgment, more recent
judgments of this Court have confirmed that the
ISIA was, in effect, a complete
code and therefore the provisions of the Resource Management Act and (against
the opposition of both
the Crown and Heritage New Zealand) the Heritage New
Zealand Pouhere Taonga Act do not apply to mining or forestry operations at
Maioro.
- [593] In October
1998, a ‘Maioro Kōiwi Protection Plan’ was completed. The
document records that “the principal
author of this document is Tahuna
Minhinnick”. The plan set out recommendations for the protection of
kōiwi during ironsand
mining inside and outside the wāhi tapu
areas.286
- [594] In
September 1999, OTS wrote to Mr Roimata Minhinnick and informed him that it no
longer required detailed research on every
aspect of a claim to be completed
before entering into direct negotiations.
- [595] In 2004,
Ngāti Te Ata was informed by the Crown that it preferred to settle claims
with large natural groups of claimants.
- [596] In his
brief of evidence Mr Minhinnick summarises the various interactions with the
Crown over the last decade and the frustration
that, despite the Waitangi
Tribunal’s recommendations as long ago as 1985, a settlement is yet to be
reached. I mean no disrespect
to Mr Minhinnick (or Mr Parker, who also addresses
these more recent negotiations) by not setting out the detail of the ongoing
negotiations.
It is not necessary to do so for the purposes of the issues I must
determine.
- [597] With that
(again lengthy) factual background in mind, I turn now to the plaintiffs’
claims concerning the takings under
the PWA 1928 and the later Treaty settlement
negotiations.
286 There is debate about the extent to which this
plan was agreed to by Ngāti Te Ata as a whole.
Was any one or more of the 1939 and 1959 takings of the
wāhi tapu under the PWA 1928 unlawful?
The
key statutory provisions
- [598] It is
necessary to first set out the text of the key provisions of the PWA 1928, being
ss 10, 11, 12, 15, 18, 19, 22, 23, 102
and 103.
- [599] Section 10
provided as follows:
10.(1) The provisions of sections twenty-two and twenty-three
hereof do not, except as hereinafter specially provided, apply to the
taking of
lands for railway or defence purposes, or for roads in connection with such
purposes, or for water-power or irrigation
works or purposes, or to the taking
of Native land for any public work.
(2) All the other provisions of this Part of this Act apply to
the taking of any lands and to all lands taken for any public work
whatever,
except as hereinafter specially provided.
- [600] “Native
land” was defined in the PWA 1928 as “land held by Natives under
their customs or usages.”287
- Land
required for any public work may be taken under the provisions of this Act
—
(a) If for a Government work, by the Minister; or
(b) If for a local work, by the local authority.
- [602] A
“public work” was defined as:
“Public work” and “work” mean and
include—
(a) Every work which His Majesty, or the Governor-General, or
the Government, or any Minister of the Crown, or any local authority
is
authorized to undertake under this or any other Act or Provincial Ordinance, or
for the construction or undertaking of which money
is appropriated by
Parliament; and in particular—
(b) Any survey, railway, tramway, road, street, gravel-pit,
quarry, bridge, drain, harbour, dock, canal, river-work, water-work, and
mining
work (including therein the deposit of tailings, or the construction of
sludge-channels or tailings-channels in connection
with mining operations);
287 Section 2.
- [603] Section 15
specifically addresses forestry and the taking of Native land, and provided as
follows:
15.(1) The Governor-General or a local authority is hereby
empowered to take under the provisions of this Act any area of land, whether
private, Native, or otherwise, required for forest-plantation purposes,
recreation-grounds, or for the purposes of agricultural show-grounds,
and any
land so taken shall be deemed to have been taken as and for a public work duly
authorized by this Act:
Provided that no Native land shall be taken in pursuance of this subsection
without the consent of the Native Minister.
(2) Land may be taken under this Act by the Governor-General or
any local authority for the purpose of paddocking driven cattle as
if such
purpose were a public work.
- [604] As noted
earlier, the plaintiffs rely on s 15(1) as giving rise to a fiduciary
duty.
- [605] Section 18
of the PWA 1928 provided:
- Except
for the purpose of a railway or for defence purposes, or for the purposes of any
other work to be made under the authority
of a special Act, nothing in this Act
shall authorize—
(a) The taking of any stone or other material from any quarry,
brickfield, or like place commonly used for the taking of material
therefrom for
sale without the consent in writing of the owner first obtained; or
(b) The taking of any land occupied by any building, yard,
garden, orchard, or vineyard, or in bona fide occupation as an ornamental
park or pleasure-ground without the previous consent of the Governor- General in
Council or the consent
in writing of the owner first obtained.
- [606] Section
18(b) was later amended to include “cemetery, burial ground”
(inserted after the word
“yard”).288
- [607] Section 19
concerned minerals and similar matter contained in land taken under the PWA 1928
and provided as follows:
19.(1) Where any land is or has been taken at any time by the
Governor- General or by any local authority under the authority of any
Act or
Provincial Ordinance for the construction of any public works, the
Governor-General or such local authority shall not thereby
be deemed to have
acquired or to acquire any right to any mines of coal or other minerals
whatsoever under any land so
288 Public Works Amendment Act 1948, s 14.
taken, except only such parts thereof as are necessary for the proper and
effectual construction, support, and maintenance of such
works.
(2) All such mines and minerals (excepting as aforesaid) shall
be deemed to be and to have been excepted out of the Proclamation or
other
instrument under the authority whereof the land is or has been or may be taken,
except so far as a contrary intention is expressed
in that Proclamation or
instrument.
- [608] Section 22
set out the procedure to be followed to effect a taking. Specifically, it did
not require any consultation with or
consent from owners of land or any other
specific parties (but, as would be expected, did contain provisions for the
giving of notice
of the proposed taking and the receipt and determination of
objections).289
- [609] Section 23
set out the process for the actual taking of land, provided no objection had
been received within a forty day period
of giving notice pursuant to s
22.
- [610] Section
102 provided that any Native land, and any land owned by Natives “under
title derived from the Crown” could
be taken for any public work in
accordance with the provisions of Part IV of the Act (“Native
lands”). Section 103(b)
provided that “[w]here the title to such
land is derived from the Crown the land may be taken in the manner set forth in
Part
II of this Act.”
- [611] Part II
contained the core provisions for taking land for public works as set out at
[599] to [609] above.
Was the Native Minister’s
consent necessary?
- [612] The
plaintiffs argue that the proviso to s 15(1) of the PWA 128 required the Native
Minister’s consent to be given to
the takings of the wāhi tapu and
given that consent was not acquired, the takings were unlawful. I do not agree.
The proviso
to s 15(1) referred to “Native land”, the definition of
which is set out at [600] above. Members of Ngāti Te Ata’s
title in
Maioro and the wāhi tapu by custom and usage was extinguished as a result
of the sale and/or Confiscation in 1864.
Title passed at that point to the
Crown. The wāhi tapu were thereafter the subject of the 1878 Crown Grants.
That is not altered
by the fact that the grants were not registered
(as Mr Kahukiwa suggested in his submissions). As customary title had
been
289 There is no suggestion in this case that the
statutory notice provisions were not complied with.
extinguished, the only basis upon which the wāhi tapu were held by the
grantees of the 1878 Crown Grants was pursuant to title
derived from the
Crown.290 The distinction between native customary title and title
held by Māori that derived from the Crown was expressly recognised in
s 102
of the PWA 1928. The Native Minister’s consent was accordingly not
required before the wāhi tapu could be taken.
- [613] Nor do I
accept the plaintiffs’ submission that the proviso to s 15(1) gave rise to
a fiduciary duty owed by the Crown
to – presumably – the owners of
the “Native land” to be taken. Clearly the PWA 1928 envisaged a
different
process to be taken when land held by customary title was to be
acquired. But the very concept of the need to take land for public
purposes is
inconsistent with a fiduciary duty and a duty to act for and on behalf of the
owners of the relevant Native land. It
is not necessary to say anything further
on this argument however, given the wāhi tapu were not Native land at the
time they
were taken.
Was the 1939 taking for a lawful
purpose?
- [614] Te
Papawhero was taken for sand dune reclamation purposes. Such a purpose was not
expressly referred to in the PWA 1928. But
the Crown argues that sand dune
reclamation fell within two aspects of the definition of a “public
work” in that Act,
being any work authorised by “any other statute
or enactment”, or any work “for which money had been appropriated
by
parliament.”
- [615] Section
28(1) of the Finance (No 4) Act 1931 provided as follows:
28. (1) For the purpose of providing works in relief of
unemployment, the Minister of Public Works, on the recommendation of the
Unemployment
Board, may, subject to the concurrence of the Minister of Finance,
undertake and carry out any drainage, irrigation, reclamation,
or other works of
a reproductive character on or for the benefit of privately owned property or
any other property.
(2) All works undertaken or proposed to be undertaken pursuant
to this section shall be deemed to be public works within the meaning
of the
Public Works Act, 1928, and the provisions of that Act shall apply with
respect
290 As Elias CJ explained in Proprietors of
Wakatū v Attorney-General [2017] NZSC 17, [2017] 1 NZLR 423 at [96],
“[t]he Crown recognised no title to land in New Zealand other than that
held by Māori according to their customs and
usages and that established by
the Crown’s own grants (following extinguishment of native
title).”
thereto accordingly, save that it shall not be necessary to give any notices
or receive any consents before proceeding to carry out
any such works.
(3) The powers conferred on the Minister of Public Works by this
section may, with the concurrence of the Unemployment Board, be delegated
by the
Minister to any local authority, and such local authority may carry out any such
works in accordance with the terms of the
delegation.
- [616] The PWD
began work on reclaiming the sandhills at Maioro on 2 May 1932. Contemporaneous
reports produced in evidence summarise
the amount of public funds expended on
this and other similar projects over the following decade.
- [617] Part II of
the Finance (No 4) Act 1931 (including s 28(1)) was repealed by the passing in
1936 of the Employment Promotion Act
1936. Section 39 of the 1936 Act contained
a very similar provision to s 28 of the Finance (No 4) Act
1931.
- [618] But by
1939, when Te Papawhereo was taken under the PWA 1928, s 39 of the Employment
Promotion Act 1936 had also been repealed
(in 1938). As a result, there was a
period when no legislation existed authorising the commencement of such public
works programmes.
This was rectified, however, by the Finance (No 2) Act 1945,
which inserted a new sub-paragraph (g) into the definition of “public
work” in s 2 of the PWA 1928 to include “any work or undertakings
which the Governor- General by Order in Council declares
to be a public work for
the purposes of this Act”.291 Sand dune reclamation was
declared to be a public work for the purposes of the PWA 1928 in
1946.
- [619] I accept
the Crown’s submission that this changing legislative landscape did not,
however, render the taking of Te Papawhero
invalid. Section 341 of the PWA 1928
provided as follows:
341. Any public work authorized under the authority of any Act
or Ordinance now in force, or any of the enactments mentioned in the
Tenth
Schedule hereto, or any Act or Ordinance repealed by any such enactment or by
any former Act, and any land required to be taken
or acquired for such work, or
anything commenced under any such authority as aforesaid, may be continued,
taken, or acquired, executed,
carried out, enforced, and completed under this
Act:
Provided that in any case where it is found that the provisions of this Act
are not applicable to such work, land, or thing, then
for the purposes of
carrying out and completing such public work, land, or thing the said
291 Section 29(2).
enactments, Acts, and Ordinances shall be deemed to be in full force and
operation.
- [620] Accordingly,
any public work that had commenced under repealed statutory provisions
(as the Waiuku Sand Dune Reclamation Project had been) could be continued, taken
and completed
under the PWA 1928 notwithstanding the repeal of the earlier
Act.292 Further, and in any event, the contemporaneous reports,
including into the 1940s, show that Parliament had continued to appropriate
money for the sand dune reclamation project from 1932 to beyond the 1939
taking.293
- [621] I
accordingly conclude that Te Papawhereo was taken for a lawful public works
purpose, namely sand dune reclamation.
Were the 1959 takings for a lawful
purpose?
- [622] The
remaining three wāhi tapu were taken for State forest purposes. There is no
dispute that was a proper purpose for land
to be taken under s 15 of the Forests
Act 1949.294 In turn, s 15(3) of that Act provided
that:
15. (3) In addition to the authority conferred on the Minister
by the foregoing provisions of this section, the Governor-General
may take,
under the Public Works Act, 1928, as for a public work within the meaning of
that Act, any land which in his opinion is required for any purpose for which
the Minister
may acquire land under this section.
- [623] Accordingly
for the purposes of the definition of “public work” in the PWA 1928,
the purpose for which the three
wāhi tapu were taken was work authorised to
be undertaken by “any other Act”.
- [624] As the
three wāhi tapu areas were taken under the PWA 1928, s 18 of that Act,
which by the time of the takings in 1959
had been amended to include burial
grounds, prima facie applied. But the Forests Act 1949, authorising the Governor
General to take
land for the purposes of that Act under the PWA 1928, was a
“Special Act” under
292 The Act permitting the commencement of the works
being Part II the Finance (No 4) Act 1931, repealed by the Employment Promotion
Act
1936 (being the “former Act” for the purposes of s 341 of the
PWA 1928. (Acts are to apply to circumstances as they arise;
Acts Interpretation
Act 1924, s 5(d); and Interpretation Act 1999, s 6.)
293 The reports record that by early 1948, the Crown had expended
more than £157,000 on sand dune reclamation at Maioro and the smaller
Karioitahi reclamation.
294 See, for example, Forests Act 1949, s 15(1)(b).
the PWA 1928.295 Section 18 of the PWA 1928 did not apply to works to
be made under the authority of a Special Act. Accordingly, the requirements of
s
18(b) did not apply.
- [625] I
accordingly conclude that the takings in 1959 were for purposes authorised by
the PWA 1928.
Was title to the ironsands mineral
in the wāhi tapu taken by the Crown as a consequence of the 1939 and 1959
takings?
- [626] It is
common ground that iron ore was a “mineral” for the purposes of s 19
of the PWA 1928. That section makes it
clear that, as an exception to s 23 of
the PWA 1928 (the effect of a proclamation under the Act), a taking of land did
not itself
involve the acquisition of the right to mine any such minerals. The
Crown accordingly accepts that as the minerals in the wāhi
tapu were not
expressly referred to in the proclamations effecting the 1939 and 1959 takings,
title to the minerals remained with
the grantees/successors to the grantees of
the 1878 Crown Grants.
- [627] The
plaintiffs plead that as a consequence of s 19 of the PWA 1928, the Crown held
all minerals in the wāhi tapu as trustee
for Ngāti Te Ata and was thus
obliged to deal with those minerals for Ngāti Te Ata’s benefit. That
is not correct.
No concept of trust arises from the operation of s 19 of the PWA
1928. Rather, and for the reason just explained, title to the minerals
are
simply excluded from the taking itself. There is no need to resort to the
concept of a trust.
- [628] I return
later in my judgment to the consequences of title to the minerals in the
wāhi tapu not having been taken pursuant
to the PWA
1928.
Were the 1939 and/or 1959 takings
in bad faith or for an ulterior purpose?
- [629] I can deal
with this aspect of the plaintiffs’ claim relatively briefly. In short, I
am satisfied there is no basis for
the suggestion that any of the wāhi tapu
were taken in bad faith or for the ulterior purpose of
mining.
295 See PWA 1928, s 2: “Special Act”
means any Act with which this Act or any part of this Act is incorporated
authorizing
the construction of a public work.” Mr Kahukiwa accepted the
Forests Act was a “special Act” for the purposes of
the PWA
1928.
- [630] The
detailed factual narrative set out above in relation to the takings and the
development of the iron and steel industry shows
that the 1939 taking of Te
Papawhero cannot have been for the ulterior purpose of mining, the concept of an
iron and steel industry
in New Zealand being far from developed at that point.
In fact, the first study of Maioro as a potential source of ironsands was
not
until 1949 and at that time, it was seen as being “disappointingly
low” in ironsand content.
- [631] Clearly
the position was somewhat different by the time the three further wāhi tapu
were taken in September 1959. By that
time, some further work had been carried
out in relation to a possible iron and steel industry in New Zealand, to the
point that
the ISIA was enacted that year. But as the factual timeline
demonstrates, Waiaraponia, Te Kuo and Tangitanginga were being considered
for
State forest purposes as early as 1952, a point accepted by Mr Minhinnick. At
least some consultation had occurred with members
of Ngāti Te Ata at that
time, which gave rise to the request to exclude the urupā and fishing
reserve from the land to
be taken. There were then delays in the formal taking
of the land, including because of the need to survey and complete the plan
for
the urupā and fishing reserve, which was not completed until February 1958.
And while Maioro was included in the areas to
be investigated for ironsand
deposits as recommended in the November 1959 Iron and Steel Committee report,
investigative drilling
did not begin at Maioro until December 1960, well after
the September 1959 takings. There was no firm possibility at that time that
an
iron and steel industry would be set up, or that Maioro would be the source of
ironsands for it, rather than preliminary investigations
being planned and then
later carried out in relation to a range of areas around New Zealand. That the
position was not at all settled
was also reflected in the Minister of
Mines’ introduction of the Iron and Steel Industry Bill to the House on 1
October 1959,
where he stated:296
... I sincerely hope
that it will be the birth of an iron and steel industry in New Zealand. No
matter where the industry is established, whether at Dunedin, New Plymouth, or
elsewhere, I feel that this Bill is the forerunner of greater things yet to
come.
(emphasis added)
296 (1 October 1959) 321 NZPD 2187.
- [632] Lest there
were any doubt on this point, the interaction between Forestry and Mining
officials in April 1959 confirms that the
actual purpose for which the three
wāhi tapu was for State forest purposes. As noted at [490] above, the
Acting Director of
Forestry expressly rejected the suggestion to defer the
taking of the wāhi tapu for forestry purposes as the area
“should have the full protection to be obtained from the provisions of the
Forests Act 1949”. And as also
noted earlier, the notice of intention to
take the three wāhi tapu areas for State forest purposes had in fact been
published
in the New Zealand Gazette the day before the Acting Director
of Forestry’s communication.
- [633] I am
therefore satisfied that the three wāhi tapu were taken for State forest
purposes.
- [634] As noted
earlier, the Waitangi Tribunal, concluded that the allegation that the land was
taken for forestry when it was really
intended for mining “was not
proven”. The Tribunal went to state, however,
that:297
... it is clear that if, at 1959, the officers
of Forests and Works involved in the taking were unaware of the ironsands
interest,
other officers of the Crown in other branches were very much aware of
it. If we regard the Crown as vicariously responsible through
its several
agencies, the Crown must be taken to have been aware of the intention to mine
ironsands when the Māori land was
taken.
- [635] I
respectfully disagree with this aspect of the Tribunal’s conclusion, to
the extent it suggests that by 1959, it was
intended to mine for ironsands at
Maioro. As the detailed factual background above demonstrates, as at April 1959
(when notice was
given to take the three wāhi tapu for State forest
purposes), and at 31 August 1959 (when the proclamation formally taking the
land
was signed), there was no intention to mine ironsands at Maioro. At the most,
there were preliminary investigations being carried
out at a number of different
sites around New Zealand that might be considered a viable source of ironsands,
and even by November
1959, Maioro was considered likely to be
“marginal” in terms of iron ore content, with the drilling programme
to take
place the following year to “establish whether this [was]
so”. The schedule to the ISIA itself is also consistent with
the location
of the site to support an iron and steel
297 Waitangi Tribunal Manukau Report (Wai 8,
1985) at 21.
industry then being unknown, reserving a very large area of the North Island
(and some smaller areas in the South Island). It was
not until investigative
drilling was completed in June 1961 that it was found that Maioro in fact
contained the necessary amount
of ironsands within the boundary of the forest
and that the grade of iron was much higher than had been previously
estimated.
- [636] I also do
not accept there was any omission, deliberate or otherwise, in the discussions
which apparently took place with some
members of Ngāti Te Ata in or around
1952 in relation to the proposed takings for State forest purposes. As at 1952,
there was
no basis upon which officials might have communicated that the land
might in the future be the subject of mining. To reiterate, the
1949 report on
physical sampling at various iron ore areas around the country had identified
Maioro as “disappointingly low”
in ironsand content and that it was
“doubtful if [it] would ever warrant development”. Again, it was not
until December
1958 that a decision was taken to look again at a number of
sites, including Maioro, with investigative drilling not completed at
Maioro
until June 1961.
- [637] Both Mr
Minhinnick and Mr Kahukiwa accepted there was no evidence of consultation with
Ngāti Te Ata in 1959, but suggested
that officials should have
“reverted” to Ngāti Te Ata at that point to update the iwi on
the investigations then
planned. I agree there is no evidence of consultation in
1959. There had plainly been some engagement with members of Ngāti
Te Ata prior to February 1958, as that is when it was reported that the
urupā on Te Kuo
had been located with the assistance of “interested
Māori”. But there had been no real further consideration of
an iron
and steel industry in New Zealand, or its potential source of ironsands, before
around May 1958, other than in a 1957 paper
which suggested Taharoa as the
likely candidate.
- [638] Nor does
any failure to “re-consult” with Ngāti Te Ata in 1959 advance
this aspect of the plaintiffs’
case in any event. First, and as already
addressed earlier, investigations of both an iron and steel industry and its
source of ironsands
were at a very preliminary stage at that time. Moreover, any
failure to consult does not render the 1959 takings unlawful. There
was no
obligation under the PWA 1928 to consult, or to obtain the consent of the
land-owners concerned. There is no pleaded claim
of a legitimate expectation of
consultation in the context of the public work takings.
And
I have dismissed the plaintiffs’ claims of private law equitable
obligations owed by the Crown to Ngāti Te Ata at that
time (failure to
consult said to be a breach of such obligations). Any lack of consultation might
be relevant to Ngāti Te Ata’s
Treaty claims, but those claims are not
the domain of this Court.
Was there a failure to offer the wāhi tapu back to
Ngāti Te Ata?
- [639] The
plaintiffs plead that “after acquiring the wāhi tapu under the
[ISIA]”, the Crown failed to give effect
to the option and/or right of
first refusal provided to Ngāti Te Ata by s 35 of the PWA 1928 “when
the lands were no longer
required for public works purposes.”298
I proceed on the basis that the reference to “acquiring the
wāhi tapu under the ISIA” is a reference to the setting
apart of
those lands for the purposes of the ISIA (which occurred on 27 June
1966).
- [640] The
“offer-back” obligation in s 35 of the PWA 1928 is predicated on the
land taken for a public work “not
required for such public work”. It
was not in dispute at the hearing that the wāhi tapu areas continue to be
used as State
forest, despite also having been set aside for the purposes of the
ISIA.
- [641] The
requirements of s 35 of the PWA 1928 were accordingly not triggered by the
wāhi tapu being “set apart”
for the purposes of the ISIA in
1966.
What was the effect of setting aside the wāhi tapu for the
purposes of ISIA?
- [642] The
land comprising the Waiuku State Forest, including the four wāhi tapu, was
set apart for the purposes of the ISIA in
1966 pursuant to s 7A of that Act. In
order to determine this issue, it is necessary to return to some of the core
provisions of
the ISIA.
- [643] Section 3
of the ISIA, set out at [495] above, is a key operative provision of the Act. It
vested the right to mine for ironsands
in an ironsands area exclusively in the
Crown “notwithstanding” the provisions of any other Act, any Crown
grant, certificate
of title, lease or other instrument of title. Reflecting the
“one stop shop”
298 Third amended statement of claim at [253.4].
nature of the ISIA, s 3(2) provided that the Minister may, “without
further authority than this Act”, carry on prospecting
or mining in an
ironsands area.
- [644] As seen at
[496] above, s 7 of the ISIA concerned “taking” land under the ISIA.
At the time it was enacted, s 7
also envisaged land being “set
apart” for the purposes of the ISIA. Section 7(3) provided that the
ability to take land
pursuant to s 7(1) of the ISIA would be conducted in
accordance with the taking or setting apart provisions of the PWA 1928,
and that any land set apart would be “deemed to be taken under the
Act”. The
references to land being taken or set apart under the
ISIA had been introduced at the Select Committee stage in 1959, recognising the
possibility of Crown land being brought
within the purview of the ISIA. Crown
land required for a public work was to be “set apart” under the PWA
1928 rather
than “taken”.299
Thus:300
(a) the words “or set apart” were inserted after the
words “shall be taken” in cl 7(3) of the ISIA;
(b) sub-clause 3 was amended to provide that “all land set
apart as aforesaid shall, for the purposes of this Act, be deemed
to be taken
under this Act”; and
(c) clause 9 was amended to provide that where land “was
set apart under this Act, the rate of royalty shall be fixed by the
Minister.”
- [645] The Select
Committee file records that the purpose of these changes
was:301
...to cover the situation in regard to Crown lands within an
ironsands area. Strictly, it is not usual that Crown lands should be
taken by
the Crown for the purposes of the Act; these lands are set apart ... The
amendment makes it clear that lands set apart shall
be deemed to be taken.
- [646] As
explained above, s 7(3) of the ISIA deemed land set apart for the purposes of
the ISIA (through the provisions of the PWA
1928) to have been taken under the
ISIA.302 Where land was taken under the ISIA, s 8 provided for
compensation to be
299 PWA 1928, ss 13(a) and 25.
300 Iron and Steel Industry Bill 1959 (88–2).
301 Iron and Steel Industry Bill 1959 (88–2) (select
committee report) at 1.
302 Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Act 1965, s 4.
paid as if the land had been taken under the PWA 1928.303 By s 8(2),
this compensation was to exclude the value of any ironsands which may be in the
land. Rather, persons with an estate or
interest in any land taken under the
ISIA were to be paid royalties at a statutory rate in respect of any ironsands
mined from the
land.304
- [647] As noted,
in 1965 the ISIA was amended to include s 7A, to provide for the setting apart
of State forest land for the purposes
of the ISIA. The genesis of the provision
was the concern that if State forest were set apart for the purposes of the
ISIA, it would
lose its status as State forest. Section 7A was therefore
intended to enable the “dual use” of State forest land as both
forest and for mining purposes. This was made clear in the parliamentary debate
on the Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Bill and
the explanatory notes to that
Bill.305 The explanatory note recorded
that:306
The object of the clause is to provide for the
dual utilisation of State forest land by allowing timber felling, etc., and
ironsands
mining to be carried out at the same time under a planned arrangement
between the interested parties.
- [648] As
enacted, s 7A of the ISIA relevantly provided as follows:
(1) The Minister of Mines, acting with the concurrence of the
Minister of Forests, and subject to such terms and conditions as the
Minister of
Forests may require, may from time to time by notice in the Gazette set
apart for the purposes of this Act any State forest land within the meaning of
the Forests Act 1949 which is in an ironsands area
and which, in the opinion of
the Minister of Mines, contains ironsands and is required for the mining of
ironsands. Any such notice
may at any time in a like manner be revoked in whole
or in part or amended.
(2) Except as otherwise provided by this section, no notice
under this section shall have the effect of revoking or altering the setting
apart of any land as State forest land under the Forests Act 1949, or in any way
affect the powers of the Minister of Forests in
respect of any land administered
under section 64 of that Act.
- [649] To recap,
pursuant to s 7(3) of the ISIA, land set apart for the purposes of that Act was
to function as a taking. But s 7(3)
refers to land set apart “as
aforesaid”, being a reference to land set apart for the purposes of the
ISIA through the
provisions of
- Though
noting that pursuant to s 42(2)(b) of the PWA 1928, compensation was not payable
for Crown lands set apart or taken for public
works.
304 ISIA 1959, s 9.
- (26
October 1965) 345 NZPD 3854; and Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Bill 1965
(116–1) (explanatory note).
306 At i.
PWA 1928. Land set apart for the purposes of the ISIA pursuant to s 7A was not
set apart through the provisions of the PWA 1928.
For the reasons which follow,
however, I am satisfied that upon the introduction of s 7A to the ISIA, the text
“as aforesaid”
in s 7(3) is to be construed as including a reference
to the s 7A mechanism of land being set apart for the purposes of the ISIA,
and
thus setting apart of land under s 7A was also deemed to be a taking under the
Act.
- [650] A
statute’s provisions are to apply to circumstances as they arise.307
By the time Maioro was set apart for the purposes of the ISIA, ss 7(3) and
7A needed to be construed in the context of each other
and against the clear
statutory purpose that lands set apart for the purposes of the ISIA were to
function as a taking under that
Act. That land set apart under s 7A was intended
to function as a taking can also be seen in the amendment to s 9 also introduced
by the 1965 Amendment Act, which inserted at the outset of that provision the
words “Except as otherwise provided in this Act”.308 This
text recognised that despite the royalty provisions of s 9, there may be
circumstances in which a person with an estate or interest
in land taken under
the ISIA was not to receive royalties for any ironsands mined. This in
turn reflected new s 7A(4), which provided that no royalty was payable under
s 9
of the ISIA to the holder of any licence or lease granted under the Forests Act
1949 in respect of State forest land “set
apart” under s 7A(1). This
provision would have been unnecessary if s 9 (predicated on land having been
“taken”
under the ISIA) did not apply to State forest land
“set apart” under s 7A.
- [651] On the
basis therefore that setting apart of Maioro pursuant to s 7A functioned as a
taking under the ISIA, what are the consequences?
- [652] Section 3,
without more, plainly vested in the Crown the right to prospect and mine for
ironsands in any ironsands area. NZ
Steel made detailed submissions to the
effect that the rights granted to the Crown under s 3 gave statutory authority
to carry out
mining operations, including rights of access consistent
with at least a statutory profit á prendre, regardless of any legal or
equitable interest in the
land to be mined.
- Interpretation
Act 1999, s 6; see also Acts Interpretation Act 1924, s 5(d), being the
equivalent provision in force at the time s
7A was introduced to the
ISIA.
308 Iron and Steel Industry Amendment Act 1965, s
5.
NZ Steel further submitted that to the extent any further rights were required,
these could be acquired by the Crown under ss 7 or
7A, and in the case of the
Licence area, were acquired by the Crown when the land was set apart
under s 7A. NZ Steel submitted that:
In either case, to the extent section 3 or section 7A affects
any pre-existing rights, that interference is specifically authorised
by the
1959 Act, and the successors in title to the owners of the land are entitled to
compensation in accordance with sections 8
and 9 only.
- [653] The Crown
adopted a slightly different approach, submitting that while s 3 was all that
was required to authorise mining, it
did not provide the right to access those
ironsands areas to so so. The Crown said the ability to enter onto land for
prospecting
under the ISIA was limited,309 and that the ISIA, as
enacted, did not envisage mining on land that had not been taken under s
7.
- [654] The
plaintiffs did not make detailed submissions on the effect of these various
provisions.
- [655] In the
event, I have not found it necessary to determine whether s 3 conveys all those
rights suggested by NZ Steel, or whether
the right to mine and further rights
such as access, are conveyed by a combination of s 3 and the consequences of a
taking or setting
apart under ss 7 or 7A. That is because there was a
setting apart of Maioro pursuant to s 7A (deemed to be a taking for the purposes
of the ISIA). It is therefore unnecessary to consider
the consequences of the
operation of s 3 alone.
- [656] But what
is clear in my view, is that through the operation of s 3 and the setting apart
of land under ss 7 or 7A, the statutory
scheme authorised (and indeed envisaged)
the resulting interference with pre-existing and inconsistent rights in the same
land.
- [657] Whether
and to what extent such statutory rights are to be accorded priority over
pre-existing and inconsistent rights is determined
by the purpose and
interpretation of the statute from which the statutory rights arise.310
The text of s 3, including of the words “... and notwithstanding the
provisions of any Act or of any
309 By the terms of s 6.
- See
for example, Cleary J in Miller v Minister of Mines and Attorney-General
[1961] NZLR 820 (CA) at 839.
Crown grant, certificate of title, lease, or other instrument of title
...”, and the broader scheme of the ISIA, indicates
that s 3 vested in the
Crown the right to mine ironsands regardless of any pre-existing legal or
equitable ownership of the land or the minerals.311 This is also
consistent with s 3(6) of the Act, which speaks of pre-existing rights being
“suspended”, “taken”
or “postponed”. That
the statutory rights were to prevail is also illustrated by the fact that once
land had been set
apart and thus taken under the ISIA, the Crown could grant to
any person rights to or interests in that land for the purposes of
the ISIA
(pursuant to s 10). But consistent with the long- established rule that, unless
clearly stated otherwise, no property is
to be taken without
compensation,312 the consequences of the exercise of the rights
generated by ss 3, 7 and 7A was the corresponding right to compensation in
accordance
with ss 8 and 9.
- [658] Carey J in
Miller v Minster of Mines observed
that:313
It may be that the Courts would more readily accord priority to
rights conferred by a statute which is intended to aid some public
purpose, and
which applies of its own force to all land that comes within its operation, than
they would in the case of rights under
a statute which does not possess these
features.
- [659] That the
statutory rights generated by the ISIA were to take priority over other
pre-existing rights and interests is also consistent
with the purpose of the
ISIA. The ISIA’s purpose was to facilitate the development of a nationally
important industry, and
to do so promptly and “cleanly”. This is
consistent with the “one stop shop” concept embodied in s 3(2) of
the ISIA.
- [660] At the
time Maioro was set apart for the purposes of the ISIA in 1966, the only
remaining interest in the land (other than the
Crown’s) was the mineral
estate in the ironsands in the four wāhi tapu areas (as a consequence of s
19 of the PWA 1928).
The effect of s 3 and the setting apart of the land under s
7A of the ISIA was in my view to extinguish that residual estate, but
with the
consequence that royalties would
311 A similar proposition was accepted by the Court
of Appeal in Miller v Minister of Mines and Attorney-General, in which
the Court found that the tile of the registered proprietor of land was subject
to a statutory mining licence granted under
the Mines Act 1926, despite that Act
not including an express statement that the licence applied
“notwithstanding” any
other grant or certificate of title.
312 Attorney-General v De Keyser’s Royal Hotel Ltd
[1920] UKHL 1; [1920] AC 508 (HL) at 542.
313 Miller v Minister of Mines and Attorney-General [1961]
NZLR 820 (CA) at 839.
be payable in relation to any ironsands mined from the land. Accordingly, if and
when the wāhi tapu areas are mined, the successors
in title to the original
grantees of the 1878 Crown Grants will be entitled to statutory royalties. The
Crown accepted this in its
closing submissions. NZ Steel also acknowledges this,
noting that who the royalties are paid to is a matter as between the Crown
and
the successors in title to the original grantees.
Has mining already occurred on Tangitanginga?
- [661] Mr
Minhinnick points to the Waitangi Tribunal’s conclusion that there have
been “mining operations” on Tangitanginga,314 and an
Auckland Regional Authority (ARA) Report describing the impact of erosion on the
northwest corner of Tangitanginga.315 Mr Minhinnick also referred to
a Treasury document which refers to the wāhi tapu as being “adversely
affected” by
mining. On this basis, the plaintiffs allege that mining
itself has already occurred on Tangitanginga.
- [662] I do not
agree that mining, at least in a general sense, has occurred at Tangitanginga
(or any of the other wāhi tapu).
The evidence presented at trial on this
issue was clear and there was no real challenge to it.
- [663] It is
common ground that mine tailings have been placed on Tangitanginga since the
early 1970s (as part of a programme agreed
with the Inspector of Mines). This is
what the Waitangi Tribunal referred to in its Wai 8 report when speaking of the
“mining
operations” on Tangitanginga. NZ Steel also accepts there
was an inadvertent incursion of mining two metres within the boundary
of
Tangitanginga due to the incorrect placement of a boundary peg. But other than
this, there is no evidence of mining on Tangitanginga
(or any other of the
wāhi tapu areas), and to the contrary, the only evidence is that to date,
NZ Steel has refrained from mining
those areas. The ARA Report relied on refers
to mining proceeding without a significant buffer before Tangitanginga, thus
leaving
steep slopes which has caused land to slip away. Mr Minhinnick
agreed that the concept of the “land has gone”
in his evidence is
therefore due to erosion, not direct mining in Tangitanginga. And the Treasury
report
314 Waitangi Tribunal Manukau Report (Wai 8,
1985) at 21.
- Auckland
Regional Authority “NZ Steel Mining Site: Environmental and Cultural
Matters” (21 January 1987, report to the
Regional Planning
Committee).
is in general terms only, no doubt referring to the effects of this erosion and
(possibly) the placement of tailings on Tangitanginga.
- [664] But
strictly, the successors to the original grantees of the 1878 Crown Grant for
Tangitanginga would be entitled to the royalties
payable for the inadvertent
incursion of mining into Tangitanginga. But aside from that, I do not accept the
plaintiffs’ claim
that there has been a failure to pay royalties and
compensation under the ISIA.
The plaintiffs’ claims arising from the “1990
Commitments” – did a fiduciary duty arise?
- [665] The
plaintiffs plead that in the 1990, the Crown made public commitments to
Ngāti Te Ata to re-vest the wāhi tapu
in Ngāti Te Ata and to
remove them from the Licence area. The plaintiffs say these commitments were
embodied in:
(a) the Crown declaring on 25 July 1990 the wāhi tapu were
to be held for conservation purposes pursuant to s 7(1) of the Conservation
Act
1987;
(b) the MOU;
(c) correspondence with NZ Steel following the MOU regarding the
Crown’s commitment to implement the commitments in the MOU;
(d) the Crown’s active opposition to NZ Steel’s
judicial review application; and
(e) following the stay of the judicial review proceedings, the
Crown’s efforts to reach a settlement whereby the wāhi tapu
would be
returned to Ngāti Te Ata and removed from the Licence area, and the offer
of compensation to NZ Steel.
- [666] As noted
earlier in this judgment, I will refer to these matters collectively as
“the 1990 Commitments”. The plaintiffs
say that as a result of the
1990 Commitments, Ngāti Te Ata placed trust and confidence in the Crown and
the Crown owed fiduciary
duties to Ngāti Te Ata, including “to implement its commitment to
re-vest the wāhi tapu in Ngāti Te Ata”.
Mr Kahukiwa focused this
aspect of his argument on the principles stated in Chirnside v
Fay,316 submitting that the factual matrix of the 1990
Commitments provides an even stronger foundation for the finding of fiduciary
duties
than in that case. In his oral closing submissions, Mr Kahukiwa also
argued (as pleaded in the 1990 counterclaim) that the MOU amounted
to a binding
contractual arrangement between the Crown and Ngāti Te Ata.
- [667] I propose
to deal first with the argument that the MOU was a binding contract, before
turning to whether the 1990 Commitments
gave rise to a fiduciary
duty.
- [668] Whether
the parties intended to create binding legal relations as a result of signing
the MOU is to be objectively ascertained.
Thus, “the court is concerned
with outward and apparent manifestations of an intention to create, or not to
create, a contract”.317
- [669] I am not
persuaded the parties intended the MOU to be a binding contractual
arrangement:
(a) First, the very nature of the document, being a
“memorandum of understanding” rather than a more formal settlement
agreement, weighs against a finding of intention to create legal
relations.318
(b) Second, the commitments in the MOU were framed in broad and,
in some instances uncertain terms, envisaging a series of actions
“anticipated” to take place prior to 30 September 1990. For example,
cl 2 of the MOU envisaged Ngāti Te Ata proposing
a procedure for re-
interment. No detail around this was provided. Similarly, cl 3 of the MOU
recorded that, as a sign of good faith
and without prejudice to its
316 Chirnside v Fay [2006] NZSC 68, [2007] 1
NZLR 433.
317 Jeremy Finn, Stephen Todd and Matthew Barber Burrows, Finn
and Todd on the Law of Contract in New Zealand (5th ed, LexisNexis,
Wellington, 2018) at [5.2].
318 Compare, for example, the document entered into by the
Minister of Health and Rothmans of Pall Mall (NZ) Ltd and headed
“agreement”,
a factor taken into account by the Court in finding the
document gave rise to a binding legal commitment: Rothmans of Pall Mall (NZ)
Ltd v Attorney- General [1990] NZHC 632; [1991] 2 NZLR 323 (HC) at 325–326.
view as to longer term responsibilities, the Crown would continue “for the
present”, to meet the costs of the interim
on-site observation arrangement
agreed between the parties. No details, or agreement, had been reached as to the
future costs of
such an arrangement. Further, if the various actions referred to
in the MOU were not carried out by 30 September 1990, would either
party be in
breach? If not, when would they fall into breach? This level of uncertainty
points away from an intention to create legal
relations.
(c) Third, the MOU was signed by a representative of Ngāti
Te Ata and returned to the Crown for signature under cover of a letter
stating
“the [MOU] is signed on the understanding that negotiations continue as
soon as possible” (emphasis added).
(d) Fourth, the MOU was said to be between “Ngāti Te
Ata” and the Crown. It is doubtful this “precisely defines
the
parties”.319 For example, who would be sued if
“Ngāti Te Ata” was alleged to have breached the MOU?
Conversely, who would sue
if the Crown was alleged to be in breach? As already
explained, Venning J held in an earlier judgment delivered in these proceedings
that Ngāti Te Ata as an iwi does not have the legal personality to sue or
be sued in court proceedings.320
(e) Fifth, and most importantly in my view, the MOU was
relatively quickly superseded by further negotiations and arrangements,
including
the 1991 offer which followed NZ Steel’s judicial review
proceedings. Subsequent conduct is relevant to the inquiry of whether
a contract
was in fact formed.321 Neither the Crown nor any representative of
Ngāti Te Ata suggested at any time after the MOU that further negotiations
could
not continue because a binding agreement had already been
319 At 325.
320 Te Ara Rangatu O Te Iwi O Ngāti Te Ata Waiohua Inc v
Attorney-General [2018] NZHC 2886, [2019] NZAR 12 at [31]–[60]. See
also Ngāti Te Ata v Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations
[2017] NZHC 2058 at [5].
321 Fletcher Challenge Energy Ltd v Electricity Corporation of
New Zealand Ltd [2001] NZCA 289; [2002] 2 NZLR 433 (CA) at [56]; and Verissimo v Walker
[2005] NZCA 491; [2006] 1 NZLR 760 (CA) at [40]–[41].
reached. This points strongly against the MOU having been intended to have
contractual force.
- [670] Given my
conclusion that the MOU did not amount to a binding contractual commitment, it
is not necessary to comment on NZ Steel’s
further submission that the
Crown’s commitment under cl 1 of the MOU (to remove the wāhi tapu
from the Licence area) could
not amount to valid consideration because it would
have been an unlawful fetter on the statutory discretion under s 3(5) of the
ISIA
to remove land from the operation of the ISIA.322 I also note
that this issue does not arise on the pleadings in any event, NZ Steel’s
statement of defence being limited to the
proposition that the MOU “on its
terms” lacked consideration.
- [671] Turning to
the plaintiffs’ claim that the 1990 Commitments gave rise to a fiduciary
duty, I am also unable to accept this
proposition.
- [672] In
Chirnside v Fay, the parties were held to be in a relationship in which
they were working together towards a common goal which they expected would
be
for their mutual benefit.323 Tipping J, delivering the judgment of
himself and Blanchard J, said that relationship was analogous to a
partnership.324 Tipping J explained that indicia of such
relationships are where one party is reasonably entitled to repose and does
repose trust
and confidence in the other, either generally or in the particular
transaction, and is entitled to rely on the other party not to
act in a way
which is contrary to the first party’s interests.325 A
fiduciary will therefore be expected to “eschew self-interest when the
circumstances require”.326 Tipping J also stated
that:327
There is a strong case for saying that most joint venture
relationships can properly be regarded as being inherently fiduciary because
of
the analogy with partnership. The relationship between partners is one which has
traditionally been regarded as a classic example
of a fiduciary relationship in
that the parties owe to each other duties of loyalty and good faith; and they
must, in all matters
relevant to the activities of the partnership, put the
interests of the partnership ahead of their own personal interests.
322 Relying on Petrocorp Exploration Ltd v
Minister of Energy [1991] UKPC 10; [1991] 1 NZLR 641 (PC) at 652.
323 Chirnside v Fay [2006] NZSC 68, [2007] 1 NZLR 433.
324 At [71].
325 At [80].
326 At [82].
327 At [74].
- [673] In my
view, the plaintiffs’ focus on the 1990 Commitments themselves deflects
attention away from the proper inquiry,
namely the nature of the underlying
relationship between the parties in the context of which those
“commitments” were
made. And when focus is directed to that
underlying relationship, it is the relationship of Treaty partners. This aspect
of Ngāti
Te Ata’s case accordingly comes back to whether a fiduciary
duty arises from that Treaty relationship. As discussed earlier
in this
judgment, no Court to date has recognised such a duty and I have declined to do
so in this case. I do not consider the fact
the parties are negotiating a
settlement of acknowledged breaches of the Treaty alters the nature of the
relationship, lifting it
to fiduciary in nature. It is true that it can be said
the parties are working towards a common goal like the parties in Chirnside v
Fay. They no doubt repose trust and confidence in each other in doing so.
But I do not consider it can be said that in such negotiations,
the Crown is
obliged to act for and on behalf of Ngāti Te Ata, or to engage in such
negotiations to the exclusion of all other
interests (including
“self” interest). Rather, in formulating its response to the
Waitangi Tribunal’s recommendations
and the parameters on which it is
willing and able to conclude a settlement, the Crown will inevitably have regard
to broader matters
of public policy. Treaty settlement negotiations
self-evidently take place in a “highly sensitive political
area”.328
- [674] The
parameters on which the Crown is willing and able to conclude a Treaty
settlement may change over time, as has been the
case in the negotiations with
Ngāti Te Ata to date. The impossibility (and, in my view, the
inappropriateness) of the Court
determining whether changes in Crown policy to
the settlement of any particular Treaty claim is a breach of fiduciary duty
highlights
the difficulty in grafting onto this highly political process private
law obligations.
- [675] The relief
claimed by the plaintiffs on this aspect of its cause of action also highlights
the difficulties. The plaintiffs
seek a declaration that, as a result of the
breach of the alleged fiduciary duty, the Crown holds the wāhi tapu on
constructive
trust for Ngāti Te Ata. The outcome is therefore akin to
enforcing the Government’s response to (non-binding)
recommendations of the Waitangi Tribunal and reflecting
328 Potaka-Dewes v Attorney-General [2008] NZHC 1941; [2009]
NZAR 248 (HC) at [52].
Government policy in 1990, when that response amounted to neither a concluded
settlement or contractually binding commitment between
the parties.
- [676] For these
reasons, I decline to find that the 1990 Commitments gave rise to a fiduciary
duty owed by the Crown to Ngāti
Te Ata. The further pleaded breach of the
Treaty is not a matter for determination by this Court. The statement of claim
also alleges
a breach of the common law duty of good administration. This was
not pursued at trial and no submissions made on it.
- [677] The
plaintiffs’ claims under the fourth and fifth causes of action are
accordingly dismissed.
- [678] I turn now
to the plaintiffs’ sixth and final cause of action.
SIXTH CAUSE OF ACTION – LEGITIMATE EXPECTATION
Overview
of pleaded claims
- [679] The
plaintiffs allege they have a claim of right and a legitimate expectation
against the Crown in relation to Ngāti Te
Ata’s Treaty settlement
redress. At the conclusion of the hearing I invited further substantive
submissions from the plaintiffs
on this cause of action, and submissions in
response from the Crown and NZ Steel. In their further submissions, the
plaintiffs’
claims under the sixth cause of action are advanced as an
administrative law cause of action of legitimate
expectation.
- [680] In
summary, the plaintiffs allege that in light of:
(a) the Wai 8 and Wai 31 claims and the proprietary elements to
them (including in relation to the ironsands of Maioro);
(b) the various promises and assurances made by the Crown in the
Treaty settlement negotiations;
(c) the spirit and intent of the Deputy Prime Minister’s
communication to Mrs Minhinnick on 24 February 1987 in which protection
was
assured;
(d) the findings in the Lands case; and
(e) the fact there was no good reason for Ngāti Te Ata to
be denied fair redress in settlement of the claims,
Ngāti Te Ata had a legitimate expectation that:
(f) its claims would have been fairly redressed by now; and
(g) the claims would not be rendered nugatory by Crown action or
omission.
- [681] The
plaintiffs say that in breach of Ngāti Te Ata’s legitimate
expectation, the Crown has not fairly redressed it
for its claims. Instead, they
say the Crown’s actions in October 1987 (“fundamentally by selling
its shares in NZ Steel”
without reference to Ngāti Te Ata) have
impaired the resolution of the claims to Maioro and the
ironsands.
- [682] The relief
sought on this cause of action are declarations that the
Crown:
(a) is in breach of Ngāti Te Ata’s right at common
law to have its Treaty claims either fairly redressed or not defeated;
(b) has failed to address Ngāti Te Ata’s Treaty
claims in accordance with the honour of the Crown; and
(c) is liable to restitute Ngāti Te Ata in equity.
- [683] I note
that in the plaintiffs’ further written submissions, a broader range of
matters said to give rise to a legitimate
expectation is advanced, and also the
legitimate expectation is framed in broader terms than as advanced in the
statement of claim.
Both the Crown and NZ Steel, rightly in my view, objected to
the incremental scope creep of this cause of action, without any attempt
or
application being made by the plaintiffs for leave to amend the pleadings to
accommodate the new matters raised. This is unacceptable,
both in terms of the
parties to the proceedings fairly knowing the
case being made against it, and the Court determining the matters in issue
– which must be those arising on the pleadings.
- [684] Accordingly,
while in discussion of this cause of action I refer below to some of the
additional matters raised in the plaintiffs’
further written submissions,
I have assessed the claim against the pleaded case summarised
above.
- [685] As a
further preliminary point, the plaintiffs’ pleading is not entirely clear
as to whether the alleged legitimate expectation
is a procedural legitimate
expectation or a substantive legitimate expectation. At least the relief sought
and set out at [682(a)
and (b)] above seems limited to a procedural expectation,
but the relief set out at [682(c)] appears to be substantive in nature.
Certainly in the further written submissions filed by the plaintiffs, the claim
is expressly pressed as both a procedural and substantive legitimate
expectation.329
- [686] Putting
aside the lack of clarity around the declaration sought that the Crown is
“liable to restitute Ngāti Te Ata
in equity”, I proceed on the
basis that at least that declaration seeks substantive rather than procedural
relief. This is
also reinforced by the facts and circumstances alleged by the
plaintiffs to give rise to the expectation, some of which are said
to be
promises or commitments to certain action being taken (primarily the removal of
the wāhi tapu from the Licence area),
which are substantive in nature. The
distinction between procedural and substantive legitimate expectation is
relevant given, as
discussed further below, claims of substantive
legitimate expectation are difficult and as far as researches reveal, have
never before succeeded before the New Zealand courts.
Key issues for determination
- [687] I
have addressed the plaintiffs’ sixth cause of action by reference to the
following key issues:
329 The former said to be a procedural legitimate
expectation that the Crown would confer with “them” on any decision
to
be made about Maioro, in order to “hear their view and to take it into
account”, and not to defeat their claims or impair
its ability to offer
redress in the case of “unsubstitutable land”; and the latter being
a substantive legitimate expectation
of the restoration of Maioro.
(a) whether as a matter of principle, a claim of legitimate expectation
arising from Treaty settlement negotiations is justiciable;
(b) assuming the answer to (a) above is yes, the applicable
legal principles of a claim of legitimate expectation; and
(c) application of the applicable legal principles to this
case.
Legitimate expectation in the context of Treaty settlement
negotiations – overview
- [688] As
far as the Court is aware, the courts in New Zealand have not previously ruled
on a claim of legitimate expectation arising
out of Treaty settlement
negotiations. Indeed, the extent to which a court will “enter the
arena” of Treaty settlement
negotiations is a somewhat controversial
topic.
- [689] At least
the orthodox position has been that the courts will be hesitant to engage in a
review of decisions or actions taken
by the Crown in the context of Treaty
settlement negotiations. As Associate Professor Charters notes in her helpful
article Wakatū in Peripheral Vision: Māori Rights-Based Judicial
Review of the Executive and the Courts’ Approach to the United
Nations
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples:330
Commentators John Dawson and Abby Suszko
concluded in 2012 that judicial non-intervention in Treaty settlements is the
orthodoxy.
There are different and overlapping shades to the reasoning in the
cases reflecting the distinctive facts that gave rise to them,
including: the
political nature of the negotiations; uncertainty about standards to which the
executive might be held; the lack of
statutory basis for Treaty negotiations,
which undermines the courts’ jurisdiction to judicially review the
executive; and
the proximity of contested executive decision-making and advice
to legislative action. The latter reasoning is part of a wider doctrine
of
comity and New Zealand’s constitutional structure where Parliament and
legislation is unreviewable.
- [690] As noted
earlier in this judgment, Fogarty J in these proceedings (when conducting a
preliminary review of the merits of the
plaintiffs’ claims) declined
to
330 Claire Charters “Wakatū in
Peripheral Vision: Māori Rights-Based Judicial Review of the Executive and
the Courts’ Approach to the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples” [2019] NZ L Rev 85 at 90–91 (footnotes
omitted).
engage on the merits of the claims arising out of the Treaty settlement
negotiations, stating that:331
This is a Court of law. The recommendations of the Waitangi
Tribunal do not bind the Crown. The readiness of the Crown to enter into
Treaty
settlements is an act of executive government. The merits of Treaty settlements
are not capable of being judged by the High
Court. As lawyers would say, they
are not “justiciable”. For example, the fact that the Crown has
suspended Treaty negotiations
in response to the commencement of the fresh set
of proceedings against the Crown in 2013 is a policy decision of the executive
government.
Subject to sophisticated arguments as to legitimate expectation
to the contrary, or the like, that is not a justiciable act. The decision to
suspend has not been challenged in these proceedings.
(emphasis added)
- [691] In
Ririnui v Landcorp Farming Ltd, Arnold J (delivering judgment for himself
and Elias CJ) stated that decisions about the “nature, form and amount of
redress”
in Treaty settlements are “quintessentially the result of
policy, political and fiscal considerations that are properly the
domain of the
executive rather than the courts”.332 Despite this, however,
Arnold J rejected the proposition that any decision having some Treaty
context is inappropriate for judicial review. His Honour summarised the position
as follows:333
While it is true that many decisions made
in connection with Treaty settlements will not be justiciable as they will
involve policy,
political, fiscal and similar considerations that are the
particular province of the executive, that does not apply to all decisions
having a Treaty dimension. In the present case, Ministers decided to intervene
on behalf of Ngāti Mākino because they thought
their particular
circumstances justified intervention. When Ngāti Whakahemo sought
intervention, however, the Ministers’
refusal was based on the
Crown’s erroneous view of Ngāti Whakahemo’s position, which
overwhelmed or sidelined any
other consideration. In these circumstances, we
consider that the Ministers’ decision is, in principle, amenable to
judicial
review.
- [692] In those
circumstances, the concern of entering into the domain of high policy or
political content did not arise, the issue
being the validity of decision-making
which had proceeded on the basis of material error of law.
331 New Zealand Steel Mining Ltd v Butcher
[2014] NZHC 1552 at [38].
332 Ririnui v Landcorp Farming Ltd [2016] NZSC 62, [2016] 1
NZLR 1056 at [89].
333 At [98(e)].
- [693] More
recently, the Supreme Court has indicated other areas where the courts ought not
too readily shy away from review or other
intervention. The majority of the
Supreme Court in Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei Trust v
Attorney-General found there were some decisions in that case which could be
the subject of challenge without interference with parliamentary
proceedings.334 The majority also considered it appropriate
to:335
... sound a note of caution at the extent to which
the principle of non- interference in parliamentary proceedings has been held to
apply to decisions somewhat distant from, for example, the decision of a
minister to introduce a Bill to the House or from debate
in the House.
- [694] Associate
Professor Charters describes this and other recent decisions (such as
Wakatū itself) as showing an “increasing willingness to
restrict and read down doctrine that limits judicial oversight of the
executive”.336
- [695] What then
of legitimate expectation in the context of Treaty settlement
negotiations?337 As a matter of principle, I cannot see why such a
claim (at least of procedural legitimate expectation) ought not to be available
to claimants if the elements of such a claim are made out. For example, and
foreshadowing the discussion below of the elements of
a legitimate expectation
claim, if the Crown has made a clear and unambiguous promise or undertaking that
it will proceed in a certain
way, which has been relied on by the claimants and
there is no good reason for the Crown to step away from that promise or
undertaking,
there would seem to be no
334 Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei Trust
v Attorney-General [2018] NZSC 84, [2019] 1 NZLR 116 at [48].
335 At [46]. See also Port Nicholson Block Settlement Trust
v Attorney-General [2012] NZHC 3181 at [53]–[64].
336 Claire Charters “Wakatū in Peripheral
Vision: Māori Rights-Based Judicial Review of the Executive and the
Courts’ Approach to the United Nations
Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples” [2019] NZ L Rev 85 at 93.
337 For earlier discussion of the topic in Treaty-related
circumstances, see Heron J’s observations as to legitimate expectation
in
the context of an application for interim relief in New Zealand Maori Council
v Attorney-General HC Wellington CP 785/90, 21 September 1990 at 8 (though
on appeal the matter was dealt with on the basis of a failure to take into
account relevant considerations: Attorney-General v New Zealand Maori Council
[1991] 2 NZLR 129 (CA) at 135, 139, 142 and 144); Lord Woolf’s
comments on legitimate expectation in New Zealand Maori Council v Attorney
General [1994] 1 NZLR 513 (PC) [the Broadcasting case] at 525 (albeit
in the context of a specific assurance given by the Crown to the appellant and
the courts as to how the Crown
proposed to protect the Māori language if
broadcasting assets were transferred to a new state-owned enterprise); Thomas
J’s
(dissenting) judgment in New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [1996] 3 NZLR 140 (CA) at 183–185. See also Sid
Dymond “Treaty-Based Judicial Review: The Treaty Settlement Negotiation
Process and Legitimate Expectation” [2018] 6 Te Tai Haruru: Journal of
Māori and Indigenous Issues 2 for a helpful discussion
of legitimate
expectation in the Treaty settlement negotiation context.
principled reason why it ought not to be held to it. At least in the context of
procedural legitimate expectation, and like the decision-making
in Ririnui v
Landcorp Farming Ltd, entertaining such a claim is not transgressing into
high policy or political content. Rather, a claim of procedural legitimate
expectation
is focused on notions of procedural propriety and natural
justice.
- [696] That is
not to say such claims in the Treaty settlement space would necessarily be easy.
As discussed further below, the bar
is set relatively high for claims of
legitimate expectation, including establishing the relevant commitment or
promise said to have
been made by the public authority concerned, and that a
public authority may depart from promises or commitments made where there
is
good reason to do so. Particularly in the context of Treaty settlement
negotiations, and given the undoubted high policy and political
content of such
negotiations, it may be difficult for a court to conclude, other than in the
most obvious of cases, that there is
no good reason for a departure from an
earlier commitment or promise.
- [697] The
difficulties would be even greater with a claim of substantive legitimate
expectation which, as noted earlier, does not
appear to have ever been the
subject of a successful claim in New Zealand. Granting substantive relief is
much more likely to usurp
the role of the executive.338 Difficult
issues may also arise as to whether the claim ultimately involves direct
enforcement in the courts of the principles of
the Treaty, which as the law
presently stands, is not possible.
- [698] Given the
conclusions I have reached on the legitimate expectation advanced in this case,
I do not say anything further about
these complex issues. Irrespective of the
place of procedural or substantive legitimate expectation in the context of
Treaty settlement
negotiations, the claims in this case cannot in my view
succeed. The necessary promise or undertaking has not been made out and/or
no
breach is established in any event.
- An
example of this would be to enforce the legitimate expectation advanced in the
plaintiffs’ further written submissions on
this cause of action, namely to
order the restoration of Maioro.
- [699] In the
following sections of my judgment, I will first address the established
principles attaching to legitimate expectation
claims and then explain why I
have concluded that the plaintiffs’ legitimate expectation claim must
fail.
Legitimate expectation – legal principles
- [700] A
leading decision of this Court which considered the concept of legitimate
expectation in some detail is Randerson J’s
judgment in New Zealand
Assoc for Migration and Investments Inc v Attorney-General.339
The principles to be drawn from Randerson J’s judgment have largely
been carried through into subsequent relevant
decisions.340
- [701] In New
Zealand Assoc for Migration and Investments Inc v Attorney-General,
Randerson J surveyed earlier authorities on the doctrine, including the
Privy Council’s 1983 decision in Attorney-General of Hong Kong v Ng
Yuen Shiu,341 in which the Board observed
that:342
... when a public authority has promised to follow a certain
procedure, it is in the interest of good administration that it should act
fairly and should implement its promise, so long as implementation
does not
interfere with its statutory duty. ... The principle [is] that a public
authority is bound by its undertakings as to the procedure it will
follow, provided they do not conflict with its duty.
(emphasis added)
- [702] The Privy
Council in New Zealand Māori Council (the Broadcasting case)
considered a qualification that a successful challenge to an assurance of that
type would depend in part on whether there was
any “satisfactory
reason” not to comply with it.343 In New Zealand Assoc for
Migration and Investments Inc Randerson J observed that this
qualification:344
... reflects two key policy
considerations which often lie at the heart of legitimate expectation cases. On
the one hand there is
a public interest in
339 New Zealand Assoc for Migration and
Investments Inc v Attorney-General [2006] NZAR 45 (HC).
- The
following analysis draws on my earlier review of the legal principles of
legitimate expectation in Hugh Green Ltd v Auckland Council [2018] NZHC
2916.
341 Attorney-General of Hong Kong v Ng Yuen Shiu
[1983] 2 AC 629 (PC).
342 At 638.
343 New Zealand Māori Council v Attorney-General
[1994] 1 NZLR 513 (PC) at 525.
- New
Zealand Assoc for Migration and Investments Inc v Attorney-General [2006]
NZAR 45 (HC) at [140].
holding a public authority to promises made
in the interests of proper public administration and allowing people to plan
with some
assurance. On the other, there is also a public interest in allowing
governments and other public authorities to change policy from
time to time when
it is perceived to be appropriate to do so. Indeed, the adoption of new policy
to meet changing circumstances may
be viewed as the duty of any government in
furthering the public interest.
- [703] Randerson
J further observed that a legitimate expectation (both in a procedural and
substantive sense) is to be distinguished
from a “mere hope that a course
of action will be pursued or a particular outcome gained”.345
He stated:346
To amount to a legitimate
expectation, it must, in the circumstances (including the nature of the
decision-making power and of the
affected interest) be reasonable for the
affected person to rely on the expectation...
- [704] In terms
of the distinction between procedural and substantive legitimate expectation,
Randerson J noted an expectation may
be merely procedural in nature, but that
there was “also some authority for the proposition that, in some
circumstances, substantive
benefits may be recognised”.347 He
stated, however, that “the Courts normally stop short of granting relief
in terms of a substantive outcome”.348
- [705] The Judge
also referred349 to the leading English Court of Appeal decision in
R (Bibi) v Newham London Borough Council, in which the Court observed
that where a legitimate expectation of some benefit was found, the Court would
not order the authority
to honour its promise, because to do so would be to
assume the powers of the executive.350 Rather, the appropriate
response was to ask the decision-maker to take the legitimate expectation
properly into account in the decision-making
process.
- [706] Randerson
J also stated the following:351
The intensity of the Court's scrutiny of the decision may also
vary. Where very specific promises are made to an individual or a small
class
with serious
- At
[143], citing Haoucher v Minister v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic
Affairs [1990] HCA 22; (1990) 169 CLR 648 at 682 and White v New Zealand Stock
Exchange [2000] NZAR 297 (HC) at 314.
- At
[143] citing R v Secretary of State for Education and Employment ex parte
Begbie [1999] EWCA Civ 2100; [2000] 1 WLR 1115 (CA).
347 At [145].
348 At [145].
349 At [144]–[146].
350 R (Bibi) v Newham London Borough Council [2001] EWCA Civ 607; [2002] 1 WLR
237 (CA) at 41.
- New
Zealand Assoc for Migration and Investments Inc v Attorney-General [2006]
NZAR 45 (HC) at [158].
consequences for them if the promises are not
kept, the Court's approach is likely to be one of particularly close examination
of
the decision to ensure that the legitimate expectations of individuals are
not unfairly or unreasonably thwarted. The Court will
be astute to ensure the
decision maker has conscientiously considered the position of those affected,
has sound and logical reasons
for reneging on the promises made, and has
otherwise acted lawfully, fairly, and reasonably in the administrative law
sense. In other
cases, such as where the policy choices are very much in the
macro-political field and there are strong countervailing grounds to
support the
course adopted, the Court may give greater recognition to the wider public
interest in enabling governments to adjust
policy including, when change is
required and how, in their judgment, it is to be achieved. Even so, the Court
will not in those
situations, forego its proper constitutional role on judicial
review of ensuring that the decision maker has acted in accordance
with law,
fairly and reasonably.
- [707] The Judge
concluded his survey of the authorities by observing
that:352
In no case, however, could I envisage a Court directing that a
substantive benefit (such as a licence or permit) be granted. That
would be to
usurp the function of the executive.
- [708] The above
principles remain, in my view, the touchstone of the doctrine of legitimate
expectation in New Zealand. They were
referred to with approval by the Court of
Appeal in GXL Royalties Ltd v Minister of
Energy.353
- [709] The Court
of Appeal revisited the doctrine of legitimate expectation in Comptroller of
Customs v Terminals (NZ) Ltd.354 The Court largely reiterated
those principles set out by Randerson J in New Zealand Assoc for Migration
and Investments Inc v Attorney-General.355 In doing so, the Court
did not distinguish between a procedural and substantive legitimate expectation.
It set out a three-stage inquiry
in all such cases, being:
(a) First, “to establish the nature of the commitment made
by the public authority, whether by a promise or settled practice
or
policy.”356 This
352 At [159].
353 GXL Royalties Ltd v Minister of Energy [2010] NZCA 185,
[2010] NZAR 518 at [21]–[22].
354 Comptroller of Customs v Terminals (NZ) Ltd [2012] NZCA
598, [2014] 2 NZLR 137. The Supreme Court heard, and dismissed, an appeal
against the judgment but on different grounds to the legitimate
expectation
issue: Terminals (NZ) Ltd v Comptroller of Customs [2013] NZSC 139,
[2014] 1 NZLR 121.
355 Randerson J was by then a member of the Court of Appeal and in
fact delivered the Court of Appeal’s judgment in Comptroller of
Customs.
356 At [125].
was said to be “a question of fact to be determined by reference to all
the surrounding circumstances.”357
(b) Second, “to determine whether the plaintiff’s
reliance on the promise or practice in question is legitimate.”358
This “involves an inquiry as to whether any such reliance was
reasonable in the context in which it was given.”359
(c) Third, and said to often be the most difficult part of the
inquiry, “is to decide what remedy, if any, should be provided
if a
legitimate expectation was established.”360
- [710] In
commenting on the relief which might have been granted had a legitimate
expectation been established in the case before it,
the Court of Appeal observed
that while the decision-maker might be ordered to follow a process that he or
she has expressly or impliedly
undertaken to follow, relief in the form of a
substantive outcome “is rarely, if ever,
granted”.361
- [711] The Court
of Appeal returned to legitimate expectation in Green v Racing Integrity Unit
Ltd.362 The case was one of an alleged procedural legitimate
expectation. The Court adopted the three-step approach set out in its earlier
decision in Comptroller of Customs v Terminals (NZ) Ltd. As to the first
step, Harrison J, delivering the decision of the Court,
stated:363
We accept that success at the first step
– establishing the existence and content of the expectation pleaded
– might not
come in the form of an explicit promise. A promise can be
implied from past practice or policy. But where the expectation is in the
form
of a practice or policy, as alleged here, its existence and content must equally
be established to the level of a commitment
or undertaking. The existence and
content of such a practice or policy must be both unambiguous, and settled in
the sense that it
is regular and well established.
(footnotes omitted)
357 At [125].
358 At [126].
359 At [126].
360 At [127].
361 At [155].
362 Green v Racing Integrity Unit Ltd [2014] NZCA 133,
[2014] NZAR 623.
363 At [14].
The plaintiffs’ legitimate expectation claim in this
case
- [712] The
key matters relied on by the plaintiffs as giving rise to the legitimate
expectation are summarised at [680] above.
- [713] Turning to
the proprietary elements of the Wai 8 and Wai 31 claims, it is not clear why
this is relevant to whether a legitimate
expectation has arisen. The nature of
Ngāti Te Ata’s claims in Wai 8 and Wai 31, or the Tribunal’s
recommendations
on them, are not a promise, undertaking, policy or practice of
the Crown. That the claims include proprietary elements might be relevant
to the
extent of the Court’s scrutiny of the case, in the sense discussed by
Randerson J in New Zealand Assoc for Migration and Investments Inc. Or to
frame the point in another way, where rights are at stake, the Court is likely
to be more willing to intervene. But they do
not cast light on whether the Crown
has through its statements, practice or policy, engendered an expectation in
Ngāti Te Ata
or the plaintiffs.
- [714] The
plaintiffs’ statement of claim then refers to “the matters
comprising the promises set out above in [84]–[121]”
of the third
amended statement of claim. But this is simply the narrative section of the
statement of claim setting out the broad
facts and course of Treaty negotiations
over the period 1980 to 1998. As best as I can understand the case advanced by
the plaintiffs
(including through the further written submissions filed), those
promises funnel down to entry into the 1990 MOU and the statement
that the
wāhi tapu would be removed from the Licence area. But for the reasons I
rejected the argument that the MOU gave rise
to a binding contractual
commitment, I cannot accept that the MOU, or the course of the negotiations
leading up to it, gave rise
to the type of promise or undertaking that might
found a legitimate expectation. In particular, the MOU was a statement of the
negotiating
position reached by both parties at a particular point in time, but
to which neither party saw itself as being bound, made clear
by the fact the MOU
was quickly superseded by later negotiations – in which both parties
advanced differing positions over
time.
- [715] I do not
consider “the spirit and intent” of the Deputy Prime
Minister’s communication of 24 February 1987
alters the analysis. The then
Deputy Prime Minister stated that land subject to a claim to the Waitangi
Tribunal which was
transferred to a state-owned enterprise would remain subject to that claim. But
NZ Steel was never a state-owned enterprise under
the SOE Act and was not
therefore subject to the Treaty clause in that Act which was the focus of the
decision in the Lands case. As the Crown notes, the Crown retains
ownership of the land the subject of Ngāti Te Ata’s claims in any
event. The
Crown further says that its sale of its shares in NZ Steel did not
and has not impaired the Crown’s ability to provide redress
for historical
breaches of the Treaty. While I accept that the sale of the shares has not
prevented the Crown from providing redress,
it has made the process more
difficult – evidenced by, for example, NZ Steel’s immediate response
to the proposals set
out in the 1990 MOU, which had otherwise brought the Crown
and Ngāti Te Ata so close to a concluded settlement. I return to
the issue
of the Crown’s sale of its shares in NZ Steel further below, in the
context of the allegation that the Crown has
breached any legitimate expectation
found to have arisen by reason of that sale.
- [716] The
plaintiffs also point to the findings in the Lands case as supporting the
alleged legitimate expectation. But that decision reflects the Court’s
statement of the common law. It
does not support a finding of an unambiguous
promise or undertaking on the part of the Crown.
- [717] Finally,
the plaintiffs aver that the fact there was “no good reason” for
Ngāti Te Ata to be denied fair redress
in settlement of the claims also
gives rise to the legitimate expectation. But I consider these matters more
relevant to the inquiry
of whether there has been any satisfactory reason for
the Crown to depart from any legitimate expectation that is
established.
- [718] Added to
the difficulty of pointing to particular assurances, conduct or policies to
support the legitimate expectation pleaded
in this case, the pleaded expectation
is in broad and somewhat ambiguous terms and/or it would be impossible to
determine whether
there has been any satisfactory reason for a departure from it
in any event. For example, how is a court to approach what is a
“fair”
resolution of Ngāti Te Ata’s claims “by
now”? The absence of a satisfactory legal yardstick by which an issue
can
be resolved points to that issue being of a non-justiciable nature.364
At the very least,
364 Curtis v Minister of Defence [2002] NZCA 47; [2002] 2 NZLR
744 (CA) at [27].
the absence of such a yardstick tends to demonstrate that an unambiguous
promise, policy or practice has not been established. And
as the extensive
negotiation history set out earlier in this judgment demonstrates, there have
been a whole host of reasons why the
claims have not been resolved to date,
including changes in negotiating position by both sides; actions by NZ Steel as
a third party;
the interruption caused by the cross-claim to Maioro which was
referred to the Māori Appellate Court; and the introduction of
legislation
(principally the Resource Management Act). The issues raised by this aspect of
the legitimate expectation case fall squarely
in my view within Arnold J’s
explanation in Ririnui v Landcorp Farming Ltd of why the courts will not
ordinarily traverse into the realm of Treaty settlement negotiations.
- [719] The second
aspect of the pleaded legitimate expectation is framed in somewhat more concrete
terms. But even if it could be said
that the Crown’s conduct, promises or
policies amounted to a legitimate expectation that Ngāti Te Ata’s
claims would
not be rendered nugatory by Crown action or omission, to
“enforce” such an expectation (for example, through a claim
at the
time to prevent the Crown from selling its shares in NZ Steel) would arguably be
to give direct effect to a principle of the
Treaty (Somers J observing in the
Lands case that “it would be contrary to the principles of the
Treaty to allow a situation to arise in which proper redress or proper
consideration could not be given to past breaches”).365 It is
to be recalled that the decision in the Lands case was achieved through
the mechanism of s 9 of the SOE Act, Cooke P concluding his judgment by
stating:366
...[B]ut let what opened the way to enabling
the Court to reach this decision not be overlooked. Two crucial steps were taken
by Parliament
in enacting the Treaty of Waitangi Act and in insisting on the
principles of the Treaty in the State-Owned Enterprises Act. If the
judiciary
has been able to play a role to some extent creative, that is because the
legislature has given the opportunity.
- [720] Further
and in any event, as noted, the Crown’s sale of shares in NZ Steel was not
subject to s 9 of the SOE Act. The
plaintiffs also submit that this
Court’s decision in Equiticorp highlights that “the Crown was
well prepared to conclude an arrangement that simply suited its own
interest”, presumably
to demonstrate that there
365 New Zealand Māori Council v
Attorney-General [1987] 1 NZLR 641 (CA) at 693.
366 At 668.
was no satisfactory or good reason for departing from any legitimate expectation
established. But as noted earlier, this Court’s
decision in Equiticorp
did not concern the sale of the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel to
Equiticorp; rather it was limited to the separate buy-back transaction.
The
Equiticorp decision itself cannot therefore provide the basis for the
Court to conclude there was no good or satisfactory reason for the Crown
to
depart from the pleaded legitimate expectation. Rather, the Crown’s
decision-making around the sale of its NZ Steel shares,
in the context of the
significant losses to the taxpayer discussed earlier, and any consequential
impact on the Crown’s response
to the Waitangi Tribunal’s
recommendations in the Wai 8 claim, again fall squarely in the realm of policy,
political and fiscal
considerations that are properly the domain of the
executive rather than the courts.
- [721] Finally, I
am not persuaded the sale of the Crown’s shares in NZ Steel have rendered
Ngāti Te Ata’s claims
nugatory in any event. The introduction of NZ
Steel as a third party into the “negotiating mix” certainly adds a
layer
of difficulty. But the fact the parties have come close to resolving
Ngāti Te Ata’s claims demonstrates they remain capable
of
resolution.
- [722] For these
reasons, the sixth cause of action must fail.
AFFIRMATIVE DEFENCES
- [723] As
I have dismissed the plaintiffs’ claims, it is not necessary to address
the affirmative defences advanced by each of
the Crown and NZ Steel. Further,
the outcome on some of the affirmative defences (including standing and whether
the claims are subject
to statutory time limitation bars) would have depended on
which and to what extent the plaintiffs’ claims were successful,
and/or
what consequences flow from any findings on liability (for example, whether an
institutional or remedial constructive trust
arose, and if so when). It is
therefore inappropriate in my view to seek to determine the affirmative defences
in a vacuum.
RESULT AND COSTS
Result
- [724] I have
dismissed the plaintiffs’ claims. In doing so, I do not ignore the fact
that Ngāti Te Ata has a number of
valid Treaty grievances, a point not
substantively challenged by the Crown. In my view, the claims advanced in these
proceedings
are, in substance, quintessential Treaty claims and ought to be
resolved through the Treaty settlement process. My sincere hope is
that the
Crown and Ngāti Te Ata can now move forward to resolve Ngāti Te
Ata’s grievances in relation to the acquisition
and subsequent treatment
of Maioro without further delay.
Costs
- [725] The
Crown and/or NZ Steel may wish to be heard on costs. To the extent the parties
are unable to agree costs, the Crown and
NZ Steel may each file a costs
memorandum within 20 working days of the date of this judgment. The
plaintiffs may file a memorandum in response within a further 10 working
days. No memorandum is to be longer than 10 pages in
length.
- [726] Unless any
party requests a hearing on costs, I will thereafter determine costs on the
papers.
Fitzgerald J
SCHEDULE ONE
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SCHEDULE TWO
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