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New Zealand Law Students' Journal |
Last Updated: 14 January 2013
THE INTERTWINING OF TWO STREAMS: TIKANGA, TE TURE WHENUA MAORI ACT 1993
AND TAINUI
NAOMI JOHNSTONE*
Introduction
Former Maori Land Court Chief Judge Eddie Durie holds that the
Treaty of Waitangi is authority for the idea that New Zealand’s
law has
“its source in two streams”, that is, both English law and
tikanga Mäori.1 Te Ture Whenua Maori Act 1993
(TTWMA) appears to support this by its recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi
and its spirit
of exchange.2 The Minister of Mäori Affairs
at the time of TTWMA’s enactment clearly thought this when he
asserted that “concepts
of tikanga Mäori” were “at the
heart of the Act.”3 For example, the Act’s provision
for a new type of trust, the ‘whenua topu trust’, aimed to
promote and facilitate
the use and administration of the land in the
interests of the iwi or hapu, was thought to provide a land holding
structure
which would reflect tikanga Mäori.4 However, this
paper will demonstrate that there are significant gaps between TTWMA and
tikanga Mäori. In response,
some iwi have chosen to opt out of
TTWMA regarding their land returned in Crown settlements of
historical breaches
of the Treaty of Waitangi.5 In 1995, Tainui was
the first group to opt out in this way. Since then, the two other iwi involved
in the largest Treaty settlements,
Ngäi Tahu, and more recently, Ngäti
Awa, have followed suit.6 This paper will look at this developing
trend
* Candidate for LLB; BA, University of Otago. The author acknowledges Jacinta Ruru, Ngäi te Rangi and Ngäti Maniapoto, and Dean Mahuta, Waikato for their assistance.
1 E. T. Durie, F W Guest Memorial Lecture 1996, Will the Settlers Settle? Cultural
Conciliation and Law[1996] OtaLawRw 1; , (1996) 8 Otago Law Review 449, 461.
2 Te Ture Whenua Mäori Act 1993, preamble.
3 Hon. Doug Kidd MP, (1994) 6 NZPD 833.
4 TTWMA, above n 2, s 216(2), and as explained in Law Commission, Mäori Customs and
Values in New Zealand Law NZLC SP 9, Wellington, 2001, 61.
5 Waikato Raupatu Claims Settlement Act 1995, (WRCSA) s 22.
6 Ngäi Tahu chose to have their land returned as general land. See Ngäi Tahu Claims
Settlement Act 1998. Ngäti Awa chose to have theirs in a very similar
title to Tainui,
332
The New Zealand Law Students’ Journal (2007) 1 NZLSJ
by focusing on Tainui within the context of the idea that New Zealand law
should take into consideration both English law and tikanga
Mäori.
The first part of this paper briefly outlines how the Treaty of Waitangi is
authority for recognising tikanga Mäori and how TTWMA
relates to this. The
second part outlines Tainui’s story, while the third part examines
the tikanga Mäori as
it relates to land, especially the concept of mana
whenua. The fourth part looks at the land holding features of Tainui’s
settlement with the Crown, compared with TTWMA’s whenua topu trust, and
endorses Tainui’s decision as one which best
enabled them to assert
their mana whenua.
A. The Treaty of Waitangi
Different aspects of the Treaty of Waitangi have been held as authority for
the idea New Zealand law has its source in both English
law and tikanga
Mäori. The first of these is the oral discussion at signings of the
Treaty.
At the signing of the Treaty in Waitangi there was discussion around
Mäori concerns that their own laws and custom should be
respected. The
Governor adjourned to consider the issue and came back with the following
response which was read out at the time7:
The Governor says that the several faiths [beliefs] of England, of the
Wesleyans, or Rome, and also of the Mäori custom, shall
be alike protected
by him.8
This has been known as the fourth article of the Treaty. There were numerous other times in the Treaty’s travels, where both oral and written promises of the same nature were made and officially recorded.9
One such example is when the Treaty reached Kaitaia. Although the
called the Awanuiarangi II title, and land may be directed to be ‘protected land’, which comes under the jurisdiction of limited specified sections of TTWMA. See Ngäti Awa Settlement Claims Act 2005, ss 154-159.
7 Durie, above n 1 at 460.
8 W. Colenso, The Authentic and Genuine History of the Signing of the Treaty of Waitangi, (Wellington, 1980) 32, see also Waitangi Tribunal, The Whanganui River Report (WAI 167,
1999) 264.
9 Law Commission, above n 4 at 72.
Tikanga, Te Ture Whenua Maori Act 1993 and Tainui 333
Governor could not attend the debate and signing, his explicit message that
“The Queen will not interfere with your native laws
or customs” was
announced.10 Eddie Durie regards as correct the American
precedent of regarding verbal promises surrounding treaties with indigenous
people
of oral tradition, to be just as much part of the treaty as anything
written down.11 Similarly, the Waitangi Tribunal has found that
these Crown representations are important in Treaty jurisprudence.12
The Tribunal has also given weight to the importance of oral
representations made by both sides, including the statement by Tamati
Waka Nene
saying that governor Hobson “must preserve our customs and never permit
out lands to be wrested from us.”13
In the second article of the Treaty, Mäori are guaranteed:
...the full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and
Estates Forests Fisheries and other properties
which they may
collectively or individually possess...
This affirms and protects aspects of tikanga Mäori, in particular recognising that Mäori ways of holding land and other properties is different than English tenure as it may be collectively held. This article guarantees that this form of ownership shall be retained by Mäori “as long as it is their wish and desire”.14 The second article of te Tiriti (the Mäori version of the Treaty), guarantees Mäori “te tino rangatiratanga o o ratou wenua, o ratou kainga me o ratou taonga katoa." Sir Hugh Kawharu has translated this as “the unqualified exercise of their chieftainship over their lands, villages and all their treasures.”15
Kawharu adds that this would have emphasised the Crown’s intention
to give the chiefs “complete control according to their
customs”,16 thus
10 Durie, above n 1, at 460. For another example see Alan Ward A Show of Justice: Racial amalgamation in Nineteenth Century New Zealand (Auckland University Press, 1995), 45.
11 Ibid. at 460.
12 Waitangi Tribunal, Muriwhenua Land Report (WAI 45, 1997), 112-114.
13 Ibid.
14 The Treaty of Waitangi, Article 2.
15 I. H. Kawharu, “Translation of Mäori text”, appendix, in Waitangi: Mäori and Päkehä
Perspectives of the Treaty of Waitangi Edited by I. H. Kawharu (Oxford University Press,
1989), 319; 321.
16 Ibid. at 319.
affirming the recognition of tikanga Mäori, especially in relation to
property.
However in the years following the Treaty, legislation, and particularly
Mäori land legislation, has had a history of not
protecting or highly
valuing tikanga Mäori. The Native Lands Acts and their creature, the
Native Land Court, have effectively
extinguished many aspects of tikanga
through reinterpretation of tikanga Mäori.17
The most recent piece of Mäori land legislation, Te Ture
Whenua Maori Act 1993, was hailed as a historic turning
point when it
was enacted.18 It was held to recognise a Mäori view of
land, affirm the Treaty and promote control of Mäori land by
Mäori
owners.19 The preamble of the Act recognises the
special relationship between Mäori and the Crown created by the Treaty, and
desires that
“the spirit of the exchange of kawanatanga for the
protection of rangatiratanga embodied in the Treaty of Waitangi
be
reaffirmed”.20 This particularly affirms articles 1 and 2 of
the Treaty, of which the latter has been cited above as authority for the
recognition
of tikanga. At the time of enactment of TTWMA, it was said
in Parliament that the Treaty was “basic” to the
Act,21
and that “concepts of tikanga Mäori” were “at the
heart of the Act.”22
There is authority contained in both English, Mäori and oral versions
of the Treaty for tikanga Mäori to be protected
and recognised in New
Zealand’s law. While TTWMA purports to recognise this, this paper
shall go on to show that there
are areas in which this aspiration is not being
met. The story of the historical grievances of the Tainui people regarding
Crown
breaches of the Treaty, and their settlement with the Crown over these
issues illustrates this.
17 Michael Belgrave, Mäori Customary Law: From Extinguishment to Enduring Recognition
(unpublished paper for the Law Commission, Massey University, 1996), 43.
18 See Hon. Doug Kidd MP (1992) 63 NZPD 12363.
19 Ibid.
20 TTWMA, above n 2, preamble.
21 See Hon. Sonja Davies MP (1992) 63 NZPD 12419.
22 Hon. Doug Kidd MP (1994) 6 NZPD 833.
B. Tainui: Nga Körero o Tainui
Around 1350 the people of Tainui sailed to New Zealand and settled in the central North Island.23 The descendants formed different hapu who were united under the leadership of Pötatau Te Wherowhero from the 1820s.24 Though Te Wherowhero did not sign the Treaty of Waitangi, the colonial government applied the Treaty to all Mäori.25
The Treaty purported to guarantee protection of tino rangatiratanga
over Mäori lands, “which they may collectively or individually
possess so long as it is their wish.”26
While initially land sales were conducted in a way that was equal for both sides, Mäori soon became aware that too much land was being sold too quickly. There was substantial pressure from the Crown to sell and land issues became very important for Mäori.27 As a result, Pötatau Te Wherowhero was made the first Mäori King in 1858, to preserve rangatiratanga in an increasingly challenging environment.28
The chiefs of Tainui pledged their land to Pötatau, giving him
“mana- o-te-whenua”, or “ultimate authority
over their
lands” in order to resist further alienation of their land.29
In the same year notice was given that Tainui would refuse to sell lands
south of the Mangatawhiri Stream.30
The New Zealand government of the time perceived the Kingitanga as a threat to their sovereignty and land purchase aspirations. In 1863 hostilities were initiated by the Crown sending military forces over the Mangatawhiri Stream.31 A year later, Tainui had been forced back to the King country and under the New Zealand Settlements Act 1863,
1.2 million acres of Tainui land had been unjustly confiscated.32
It was
23 R T Mahuta “Tainui, Kingitanga and Raupatu” in Justice and Identity edited by Wilson and Yeatman (Bridget Williams Books, 1995), 19.
24 Ibid. at 20.
25 Ibid.
26 Treaty of Waitangi, article 2.
27 Mahuta, above n 23 at 22.
28 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, para B.
29 WRSCA, above n 5, s 1, para C.
30 Mahuta, above n 23 at 22.
31 WRCSA, above n 5 , s 1, para D, E.
32 WRSCA, above n 5, s 1, para E, F.
recognised in the Court of Appeal in 1989 that the land was confiscated in
breach of the Treaty of Waitangi and its principles.33
Around 314,000 acres were later returned to Mäori ownership.34
However this land had been changed from customary tenure to individualised title. This was done by means of the Mäori Land Court and the Native Lands Acts of 1862 and 1865. Furthermore, much of the land was returned to Kaupapa (or ‘loyalists’) who had fought with the Crown, and also to people who were not of Tainui tribes.35 The Waitangi Tribunal has found that tenure reform was an enforced denial of the right of Mäori to hold their land according to tikanga Mäori.36
They also found that tenure reform was a breach of the Treaty of
Waitangi guarantee in article 2 of tino rangatiratanga of their lands, held
collectively or individually.37 The war waged
against Tainui, confiscation of their lands and tenure reform have had
devastating effects for Tainui
that have lasted for
generations.38
Throughout this history, Tainui held their land in accordance with
tikanga Mäori and in particular, with the concept
of mana whenua. It is
important to understand more fully what this means, in order to
understand the way they have chosen
to hold their returned land today.
C. Mana Whenua
1. Tikanga Mäori and mana whenua
Broadly speaking, tikanga Mäori can be interpreted as Mäori customary law.39 ‘Tikanga’ can be translated as “system, value or principle which is correct, just or proper,” having derived from the root word ‘tika,’ which means the correct or true way.40 Chief Judge Williams of the
33 Tainui Maori Trust Board v Attorney-General [1989] NZCA 175; [1989] 2 NZLR 513, 516.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid.
36 Waitangi Tribunal, Rekohu Report (WAI 64, 2001) 184.
37 Ibid. at 185.
38 WRSCA, above n 5, s 1, para G and para N.
39 Law Commission, above n 4 at 15.
40 J. Williams, ‘He Aha te Tikanga Mäori?’,
paper presented at the Mai I Te Ata Hapara conference, Te Wänanga o
Raukawa, Otaki,11-13 August, 2000, 1.
Mäori Land Court has described it as “essentially the Maori
way of doing things.”41 Eddie Durie identifies a number of
fundamental Mäori values, which act as “conceptual regulators
of tikanga.”42 Values he includes are whanaungatanga,
manaakitanga, aroha, wairua, utu and mana.43 Mana has been
categorised into four main ideas by kaumatua Cleve Barlow: mana atua, mana
tupuna, mana tangata and mana whenua.44 Mana whenua can
be seen as being made up of both a physical and metaphysical
dimension.45 The physical concept of mana whenua as the
“political authority possessed by a group over a given piece of
land” will
be the main focus of this paper.46
To fully appreciate the meaning of mana whenua the wider spiritual
beliefs must also be understood. 47 Mäori hold many
spiritual beliefs that are crucial to understanding the way they relate
to the land. Lenihan believes
the spiritual dimension of mana whenua can be
seen as an embodiment of these cultural concepts.48 One important
belief is that Mäori are descended from the land, in the sense that
Papatuanuku, the earth mother conceived the
Mäori ancestors.49
The word whenua means both land and placenta, so the term tangata whenua
reflects this belief that they are people from the earth’s
womb.50
Thus Mäori regard themselves as being owned by the land,
rather than owners of the land.51 Regarding use rights
to a particular piece of land, the community’s right was by
descent from the earth of the
place.52 The individual’s
right to use the land arose from membership of that
41 Law Commission, above n 4 at 15.
42 E. T. Durie, Custom Law, (unpublished confidential paper for the Law Commission
January 1994) 4-5, as cited in Law Commission, above n 4 at 5.
43 Ibid.
44 Cleve Barlow Tikanga Whakaaro, Key concepts in Maori culture (Oxford University Press,
1991) 61-62.
45 Lenihan, “Mäori Land in Mäori Hands” (1997) 8 AULR 570, 573.
46 Ibid.
47 Mason Durie, Te Mana, Te Kawanatanga-the politics of Mäori self-determination (1998) 30.
48 Lenihan, above n 45 at 573.
49 Muriwhenua, above n 12 at 23.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid.
community.53 While descent would give a right of entry into the
community, participation in the community and adherence to its
standards
were crucial to belonging in the community.54
The concept of turangawaewae, as a place where one belongs, refers to the
ancestral land over which one’s whänau, hapu
or iwi holds mana
whenua (in the political sense).55 Ancestral lands are also
the place where one’s ancestors were born, lived and died, and
where their placentas
and bones were buried.56 Thus the land is
not regarded as something that can be divided, rented or sold permanently but a
place that could provide for
the community, and which gives “a
sense of identity, belonging, and continuity.”57
Mana whenua has also been submitted as an alternative claim to prove
ownership rights in land.58 However this is outside the scope of
this paper.
2. “Violence to traditional ethics”?
The Waitangi Tribunal has claimed that the concept of mana whenua comes from
a nineteenth century attempt to “conceptualise
Mäori authority
in terms of English legal concepts.”59 As such, it was held
to be a modern thought which “does violence to traditional
ethics.”60 The Tribunal’s main problem with the concept
of mana whenua is how it has been incorporated into statute. In assessing
claims
of both Moriori and Ngäti Mutunga to the Chatham Islands, the
Tribunal had to deal with the definitions given in the Resource
Management
Act 1991 for mana whenua and tangata whenua. Mana whenua is defined
as
53 Ibid. at 24.
54 Ibid. at 24.
55 Lenihan, above n 45 at 571.
56 Ibid. at 572.
57 Ibid.
58 For more on this aspect of mana whenua, see Mäori Appellate Court decisions Ngati Toa Decision 8 December 1994, 21 Nelson MB 1, and Re a claim to the Waitangi Tribunal by Henare Rakihia Tau and the Ngai Tahu Trust Board, 12/11/90, Te Waipounamu District, Case Stated 1/89, 4 South Island Appellate Court Minute Book, folio 673.
59 Rekohu Report, above n 36 at 28.
60 Ibid. at 24.
“customary authority exercised by an iwi or hapu in an
identified area”.61 Tangata whenua “in relation to a
particular area, means the iwi or hapu, that holds mana whenua over that
area.”62 The Tribunal concluded that they could not support
the statutory meanings because they seem to only allow for one group to be the
tangata whenua. They concluded that both claimants are tangata whenua:
While the statutory definition of mana whenua is problematic, the issues that the Waitangi Tribunal has with its use can be addressed. It is recognised that traditionally more than one group might have mana over the same piece of land in the form of different use rights.63
Therefore the concept that more than one group may hold mana whenua
is acceptable. The general Courts are starting to recognise
this, as
demonstrated in Ngati Hokopu Ki Hokowhitu v Whakatane District
Council.64 Judge Jackson’s decision is based on the
premise that more than one hapu may hold mana whenua in the same
area.65
Also it is noted that the Waitangi Tribunal is not entirely consistent in its
approach to mana whenua, as in other reports
it recognises the concept
in a more positive manner. For example, in the Te Roroa Report they
note that “traditions
record that Manumanu had mana whenua over
Waipoua”.66 Similarly, in Te Whanau o Waipareira
Report, it was recognised that Waipareira’s functions were performed
“within
the mana whenua of Ngäti Whatua”.67
The Te Pouakani Report talks of the mana whenua of the land being vested
in Tia, who was an original member of the Te Arawa canoe,
thus affirming mana
whenua as a traditional idea.68 The process of preparing a claim
for the Tribunal itself acknowledges the relevance and traditional nature
of
61 Resource Management Act 1991, s 2 (1).
62 Resource Management Act 1991, s 2 (1).
63 See Andrew Erueti, “Mäori Customary Law and Land Tenure: An Analysis” in Mäori
Land Law, edited by Richard Boast et al. (LexisNexis, 2004), 42.
64 Ngati Hokopu Ki Hokowhitu v Whakatane District Council [2002] NZEnvC 421; (2002) 9 ELRNZ 111.
65 Rekohu Report, above n 36 at 29.
66 Waitangi Tribunal, Te Roroa Report (WAI 38, 1992) 5; 6.
67 Waitangi Tribunal, Te Whanau o Waipareira Report, (WAI 414, 1998) 3.
68 Waitangi Tribunal, Te Pouakani Report (WAI 33, 1993)
17.
mana whenua by including in the traditional evidence to be prepared, a
“written mana whenua report”.69
3. A foundation of Tino Rangatiratanga
Te Ture Whenua Maori Act 1993 states in its long title that its purpose is to
reform the laws relating to Mäori land in
accordance with the
principles set out in the preamble.70 The first principle
is that of recognising the Treaty of Waitangi. In particular the Act
aspires to reaffirm the
exchange of kawanatanga for the
“protection of rangatiratanga embodied in the Treaty of
Waitangi”.71 It is the contention of this paper that
mana whenua is an essential element of rangatiratanga. Therefore mana
whenua
ought to be able to be exercised effectively and supported within
TTWMA.
Mason Durie holds that the generally agreed upon foundations of tino
rangatiratanga include mana wairua, mana tangata, mana
Ariki and mana
whenua.72 He defines mana whenua as the iwi or hapu’s right
“to exercise authority in the development and control of resources
that they own or are supposed to own and to interact with the Crown
according to their needs and inclinations”.73 He goes on
to say that mana whenua is strongest in relation to tribally owned
resources.74
Thomas J of the Court of Appeal however, has recognised a meaning of mana
whenua that is much less than rangatiratanga. In McRitchie v Taranaki Fish
and Game Council, a case about customary fishing rights, it was accepted in
the facts that “the hapu or iwi held mana whenua and tino rangatiratanga
over the river since time immemorial”.75 However these
concepts were substantially distinguished. Thomas J said that by
69 The Claims Process, Waitangi Tribunal site: <http://www.waitangitribunal.govt.nz/
claims/claims_intro.asp at 16/5/07>
70 TTWMA, above n 2, long title.
71 TTWMA, above n 2, preamble.
72 Mason Durie, ‘Tino Rangatiratanga’ (1995) 1 He Pukega Korero: A journal of Mäori
Studies 44, 45.
73 Mason Durie, ‘Tino Rangatiratanga’ in Waitangi Revisited: Perspectives on the Treaty of
Waitangi edited by Michael Belgrave et al. (Oxford University Press, 2005)3, 9.
74 Ibid.
75 McRitchie Kirk v Taranaki Fish and Game Council [1998] NZCA 203; [1999] 2
NZLR 139, 154 (Dissenting judgement of Thomas J).
assertion of mana whenua, Mäori sought recognition of “the power
and influence associated with the possession of their
taonga,” compared to
the recognition of tino rangatiratanga, which would accept the hapu’s
“authority to control”
the river.76 Thus the aspect of
control over their resource was reduced to mere influence.
There is much authority for mana whenua having a stronger and closer
relationship with tino rangatiratanga than the Court of Appeal
suggest. One of
the main authorities is found by looking at how Mäori saw the Mäori
version of the Treaty of Waitangi
(Te Tiriti o Waitangi) in relation
to concepts of mana as it related to the land, and the guarantee of tino
rangatiratanga contained
in the Treaty.
In the 1835 Declaration of Independence, the phrase ‘mana i te whenua’ was used to affirm sovereignty of the chiefs over their land.77
However the word ‘mana’ in relation to the land, was not used in Te
Tiriti o Waitangi. Article 2 of Te Tiriti confirmed that Mäori rangatira may exercise “te tino rangatiratanga o ratou whenua”. Sir Hugh Kawharu has translated this as “the unqualified exercise of their chieftainship over their lands”.78 ‘Mana’ and ‘rangatiratanga’ are “inextricably related words” according to the Waitangi Tribunal in Te Atiawa Report.79 The Tribunal developed this in the Orakei Report, where they concluded that tino rangatiratanga is equated with full authority and to Mäori meant mana.80 The Tribunal also notes that in
1860, at the conference in Kohimarama of 200 Mäori chiefs that
discussion on the Treaty was virtually always put in
terms of the mana that had
been guaranteed them.81 For example one chief was recorded as
saying, “The Queen stipulated in the Treaty that we should retain the mana
of our lands”.82
Notable historians agree with the closely related idea of mana whenua
76 Ibid. at 156.
77 Precious Clarke, ‘Te Mana Whenua O Ngati Whatua O Orakei’, (2001) 9 Auckland U. L. Rev. 562, 570.
78 Kawharu, above n 15 at 319, 321.
79 Waitangi Tribunal, Te Atiawa (Motunui-Waitara) Report (WAI 6, 1983) 51.
80 Waitangi Tribunal Orakei Report, (WAI 9, 1987) 188.
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
and rangatiratanga. Claudia Orange writes of the fear Mäori had at the
time of the signing of Te Tiriti that the “mana
of the land might pass
from them” but holds that this fear was quelled by the guarantee of
rangatiratanga in Te Tiriti.83 Ranganui Walker asserts that
had mana whenua been ceded to the Crown in article 1, instead
of “te kawanatanga
katoa,” Mäori would not have
signed.84 Thus the meaning of mana whenua must be
stronger and closer to rangatiratanga than “the complete
government”85 as “te kawanatanga katoa” was
translated by Sir Hugh Kawharu. Similarly, Peter Shands considers that “te
kawanatanga
katoa” that was ceded does not “connote an
equivalent for mana whenua or sovereignty to be vested in the
Crown”.86
Seen this way, Tainui’s vesting of mana-o-te-whenua to King Pötatau was an assertion of their right to have authority over the land and to control it as they desired. For Ranganui Walker the concepts of sovereignty over the land and mana whenua are the same, and he holds that the King was a symbol of these ideas.87 As Sir John Gorst noted in
1864, Tainui meant to have a system that would protect them and their land
from possible encroachment on their rights and enable
them to uphold tikanga
where they wished.88 Importantly, as per Mason
Durie’s definition of mana whenua, it enabled them to “interact
with the Crown according
to their needs and
inclinations”.89
4. Mana whenua and the dynamism of tikanga
If one does not accept that mana whenua was traditionally held as a
foundation of tino rangatiratanga, it is contended that
mana whenua may
still be seen as an example of the dynamism of tikanga.
It is widely accepted that while tikanga is based upon
fundamental
83 Claudia Orange, The Treaty of Waitangi (Allen & Unwin 1987), 58.
84 Ranganui Walker, “The Treaty of Waitangi as a focus of Mäori Protest” in Waitangi: Mäori and Päkehä Perspectives of the Treaty of Waitangi Edited by I. H. Kawharu (Oxford University Press, 1989), 264.
85 Kawharu, above n 15 at 321.
86 Peter Shands, Settling Treaty Grievances, (1997) 8 Auckland U. L. Rev. 742.
87 Walker, above n 84 at 271.
88 Sir John Eldon Gorst The Maori King (Reed Publishing, 2001), 37.
89 Mason Durie, above n 73 at 9.
principles, it has the ability to change and adapt to circumstances.90
Therefore mana whenua can be seen as part of the development of the concept
of mana, that by asking King Pötatau to take the
mana-o-te- whenua, it
was a timely Mäori-initiated response to threats of further loss of
Tainui land. Furthermore, the
concept of mana whenua has been evolving
in the changing political and legal climate of New Zealand’s last
150
years, and will continue to be a valuable concept in the future. This is
in accordance with the view that tikanga Mäori is
based upon continuous
reflection on the core principles, involving “a dialogue between the
past, the present and the
future.”91 Kaumatua Cleve Barlow
supports this idea by including mana whenua as one of the four major usages of
mana that have developed in modern
times:92
The Privy Council has recognised that while custom relating to land was based on traditional tikanga as it was before the Päkehä arrived, it developed in the process of adapting to the changing circumstances.93
The Waitangi Tribunal has also recognised significant developments in
tikanga Mäori in response to the contact with Europeans.
In the Ngäti
Awa Raupatu Report, they found that the killings of Volkner and
Fulloon were not excused in Mäori
customary law, because of the
influence of missionary ideas.94 The Tribunal acknowledged that
throughout the changes, Mäori law was not impaired or replaced, but
rather augmented.95
In Tararua District Council the main issue was who the tangata whenua
of the Tararua district were.96 While the Mäori Appellate
Court acknowledged that mana whenua was a much-debated concept and did not
come to any firm conclusions
on a meaning, the dynamism of Mäori
social, political, economic and cultural affairs was emphasised throughout the
judgment.97 Thus the Court felt it should not be exactly bound by
the way title was determined in the 19th century, and in
the
90 Hirini Moko Mead, Tikanga Mäori, Living by Mäori Values (Huia Publishers, 1970), 21.
91 Law Commission, above n 4 at 3.
92 Barlow, above n 44 at 62.
93 Hineiti Rirerire Arani v Public Trustee of NZ [1919] NZPCC 1; 6.
94 Waitangi Tribunal, Ngäti Awa Raupatu Report (WAI 46, 1999) 74-75.
95 Ibid. at 30.
96 Tararua District Council (23 June 1994)138 Napier MB, 1.
97 Ibid. See 4, 5, 6, 7.
discussion on mana whenua and politico-social structures, held that
Mäori society was never static.98
Whether one accepts the concept of mana whenua as traditional or as a
legitimate nineteenth century development in tikanga
Mäori, it
is contended that it is a foundation of rangatiratanga. As such, according to
the preamble of TTWMA, it should
be a concept that is supported and able to be
exercised within the Act. The last part of this paper will show how attempts
have
been made in TTWMA to achieve this end, but also how these attempts have
not been met with enthusiasm by Mäori. In particular,
Tainui’s
response shall be examined.
D. The Whenua Topu Trust and Tainui’s Settlement
1. The Whenua Topu Trust
Whenua topu trusts are one of five specific trusts for Mäori land set
out in Te Ture Whenua Mäori Act 1993 that are constituted
by the Mäori
Land Court and are limited by TTWMA.99 It was envisioned that the
provision of a whenua topu trust in section 216 TTWMA would be used to
enable Mäori owners
to retain their land in accordance with tikanga
Mäori values regarding land tenure.100 However, in the
year ending 30 June 2004, there were only 51 blocks of land in whenua topu
trusts.101 It is the contention of this paper that one of the
reasons is that iwi or hapu want to be able to assert tikanga and mana whenua,
and can do this most effectively outside the confines of TTWMA.
To constitute a whenua topu trust the Court must be satisfied that the
constitution of the trust would “promote and facilitate
the use and
administration of the land in the interests of the iwi of hapu.”102
This trust is different from the other Mäori trusts in that its
purpose is a
98 Ibid. at 5.
99 TTWMA, s 211.
100 Law Commission, above n 4 at 61.
101 Ministry of Justice Annual Report, 1 July 2003- 30 June 2004. (http://www.justice.govt.nz/pubs/reports/2004/annual-rpt-04/partc.html#Special%20
Jurisdictions) at 14/5/07. This number can be compared with 11,176 blocks with
Whänau Trusts, 6 713 blocks with Ahu Whenua Trusts, and 3302 blocks with Kai Tiaki
Trusts also set up by 30 June 2004. No Putea trusts had been set
up.
collective one.103 The emphasis is on the benefit to the
whole group, rather than to promote the interests those
individual “persons beneficially entitled to the land”.104
In this respect the whenua topu trust is touted as an example of
tikanga being recognised. However there are several discrepancies
between
this trust and the effective exercise of tikanga concepts, in particular
mana whenua. For example, it is difficult
to see how iwi or hapu would be
able to fully exercise mana whenua over their land when it is the Court rather
than the iwi themselves
who, firstly, determine the criteria to be met
before a whenua topu trust is set up, and secondly, determine whether
these criteria are met. The Court must also be satisfied that the owners of
the land have had sufficient notice of the
application, along with
sufficient opportunity to discuss and consider it, and that there is no
“meritorious objection”
to the application.105
In a whenua topu trust the assets of the trust must be held for Mäori community purposes, as defined in section 218.106 Similarly any income from the trust must also be applied for Mäori community purposes.107
It is conceivable however that an iwi or hapu may wish to apply their
income for purposes which are not covered under the definition of
Mäori community purposes in section 218 (2). The
Court may order income
be applied otherwise than as specified in section 218, but only for the general
benefit of members of the
iwi or hapu.108 This leaves the iwi or
hapu bound by the legislation’s definition of what
constitutes
103 There are four other Mäori trusts provided for in TTWMA. The first is the Putea trusts, where the interests in land are managed for those beneficially entitled to that interest but any income must beheld for Mäori community purposes (s 212 (2), (6)). Whanau trusts manage interests in land for the benefit of descendants of any tipuna named in the order (s 214 (3)) or those beneficially entitled to the interests in the land (s (5)). The Ahu whenua trust manages the land for the benefit of those beneficially entitled to the land (s 215 (2)) while the Kai tiaki trusts manages interests in Mäori land for the benefit of the person beneficially entitled to those interests (s 217 (1),(5)). The Whenua topu trust is the only one where land is managed for the benefit of the whole iwi or hapu, whether they are beneficially entitled to the land of not.
104 TTWMA, s 215(2).
105 TTWMA, s 216(4).
106 TTWMA, s 216(5).
107 TTWMA, s 218(1).
Mäori community purposes, or by what the Court may decide to
otherwise order.109
Section 216(6) provides that no one shall succeed to any interests in a whenua topu trust. However, the Court is given the power to deem interests held for a person named in the order, and pay them and their successors income if the Court is satisfied that it is necessary to protect interests of those with a large interest in land vested in the trust.110
This insists on recognising individual ownership. The
Law Commission found that by focussing on individual rights
of ownership, the
Mäori view of how land is customarily held is ignored.111
Also the Court can terminate the trust at any time, and the land will be
vested back to those individuals legally entitled.112 This
means that the collective land holding is not secure.
The general powers of trustees are limited not only by other sections of TTWMA, for example regarding alienation or decision making processes113 but also by the Court’s discretion. According to section
226 the Court may confer such powers on trustees as the Court thinks fit and
may impose limitations or restrictions on trustees.114
It was envisioned that upon receiving Crown settlements, iwi could put their
land in the whenua topu trust.115 However this option clearly has
substantial drawbacks for iwi looking to assert tikanga, and in particular mana
whenua. In response,
iwi such as Tainui have come up with their own land holding
options.
2. Tainui’s final settlement with the Crown
Following decades of negotiations, Tainui and the Crown finally came to a
settlement enacted in the Waikato Raupatu Settlement Claims
Act
109 TTWMA, s 216(5).
110 TTWMA, s 216(7), (8).
111 Law Commission, above n 4, at 25.
112 TTWMA, s 241(1).
113 See for example TTWMA ss 150A, 172.
114 TTWMA, s 226 (1), (2).
115 Video recording: Toitu te Whenua: A guide to Te Ture Whenua
Mäori Act 1993 (Wellington Maori Legal Services, 1996) (copy filed
at
University of Otago Library).
1995. As part of the settlement, 14,483 hectares of Crown-controlled land
was transferred to Tainui, along with $65 million
to acquire
lands.116 Land that was returned as part of the settlement
was put either in the status of general land or is held by a land holding
trustee, registered in the Land Transfer Act in the name of Pötatau Te
Wherowhero.117 These arrangements and their
significance are explained in the Act:
Land transferred to Waikato under the deed of settlement will be held
communally in a trust to be established by Waikato and part
of that land will
be registered in the name of Pötatau Te Wherowhero as provided for
in this Act, that name
giving expression to the significance
of the pledges made by the chiefs to Pötatau Te Wherowhero
and
of the reaffirmations of those pledges, as expressed in the kawenta, by
those who have continued in support of the Kingitanga.118
The land in the name of Te Wherowhero is to be held communally for the whole
of the iwi,119 as is the collective benefit from these lands for the
whole iwi, under the mana of the Kingitanga.120 Section 22 of the
Waikato Raupatu Settlement Claims Act makes it clear that nothing in TTWMA shall
apply to the land holding trust
or land held in the name of Pötatau Te
Wherowhero.
Tainui have been careful to design the trust deed which governs the land
held in Te Wherowhero title to reflect how the land
holding was when they were
able to most effectively exercise mana whenua. The land in registered in the
name of Pötatau Te
Wherowhero is practically inalienable, thus ensuring
Tainui remain in control of their lands:121
The trust deed for the trust to be established by Waikato will provide that
no land of the trust that is registered in the name of
Pötatau
Te
116 Waikato-Tainui Deed of Settlement, Office of Treaty Settlements, http://nz01.terabyte.co.nz/ots/DocumentLibrary/Waikato-TainuiDeedofSettlement.pdf on 16/5/07.
117 WRCSA, above n 6, s 19(1)(a).
118 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, paragraph U.
119 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, paragraph U.
120 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, paragraph W.
121 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, paragraph V.
Wherowhero shall be sold or mortgaged to, or be capable of being vested in
or transferred to any person or body, and that no land
may be transferred out
of the name of Pötatau Te Wherowhero without the consent of the
“custodians of Te Wherowhero
title” referred to in that trust
deed.122
There are three of these custodial trustees who are appointed to protect the title, and who are drawn from the judicial leadership of Tainui.123
These provisions for the inalienability of the title are akin to the tikanga idea that as a taonga and part of their whakapapa, land cannot be permanently sold or transferred.124 Effectively Tainui has created a new land status that is akin to how land was customarily held by Mäori according to tikanga Mäori.
The land holding trust and the Te Wherowhero title allows Tainui to most
effectively exercise mana whenua over their land. According
to Tainui’s
legal advisor Shane Solomon, Tainui felt that the Pötatau title would
reflect “land holding as it
was prior to the land confiscations, prior
to the establishment of the Mäori Land Court and prior to the wholesale
loss of
lands” from Mäori holding.125 Tainui preferred
that the Mäori Land Court would not be able to “interfere
with how (Tainui) view land tenure
for the tribe”.126 Tainui
also believed that the being under the jurisdiction of the Mäori Land Court
would mean the continually possibility of
ending up in Court on any kind of
dispute, interfering with how they chose to manage their
land.127
The way Tainui have chosen to manage their returned lands has
enabled them to trace their history back to when mana
whenua was vested in
the first King Pötatau Te Wherowhero. In the 1860s this was an assertion
of their right to exercise mana
whenua, to have authority over the land and to
relate to it as they desired according to tikanga Mäori. The land
now
being held in the inalienable title of Te
122 WRCSA, above n 5, s 1, paragraph V.
123 Mahuta, above n 23 at 31.
124 Muriwhenua Report, above n 12 at 25.
125 Video recording: Marae - the Mäori Land Court (NZ Channel 1, 1998) (copy filed at
University of Otago Library)
126 Ibid.
127 Ibid.
Wherowhero allows Tainui the same today. By holding land in a title set up
by an Act of Parliament and registered in the Land
Transfer system, yet
reflecting tikanga Mäori and in particular, mana whenua, Tainui have
successfully affirmed New
Zealand’s law as one with “its source in
two
streams.”128
128 Durie, above n 1 at 461.
350
The New Zealand Law Students’ Journal (2007) 1 NZLSJ
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